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The coast was never more than East Africa’s fringe. Beyond the harsh nyika, or wilderness, which lay immediately inland and was nowhere pierced by a long, navigable river, thornbush country extended to the south, sometimes interspersed with pleasanter plains toward the centre, while to the north cooler forested highlands ran into harsher country. Westward lay the Great Rift Valley and, beyond, the regions of the great lakes whence the Nile ran northward through its usually impassable marshes.
Since there are no written records antedating the last century or so for this region, its history has to be deduced from often uncertain linguistic, cultural, and anthropological evidence; from oral traditions—where they are available, which at best is only for recent centuries; and from archaeological findings. Since investigations and analyses are still at a very early stage and since the first hypotheses have proved vulnerable to criticism, the statements that follow must be only tentative. Furthermore, all accounts of tribal migration must allow for innumerable short-run moves and may refer only to small—if important—minorities. They must also take account of probable interactions with other peoples en route and often, indeed, of extensive absorption. Above all, care must be exercised over anachronistic concepts of tribe. Moreover, bolder categories such as Bantu are strictly only linguistic and must be treated with caution.
Two features of the pre-19th-century period may be stressed: first, although it seems to have been in this part of Africa that humans first developed, in the three or four most recent millennia the key innovations in human evolution seem to have occurred elsewhere; second, the extensive agricultural revolution in East Africa, which took place during this time, had the vital consequence that sizable populations grew up in areas of adequate rainfall, which could not be easily brushed aside by subsequent alien invaders.
During the earlier stages of the Stone Age down to about 50,000 bce, hand-ax industries were established in the Rift Valley areas of Kenya and of Tanzania (especially at Olduvai Gorge) and along the Kagera River in Uganda. During the Mesolithic period (thence to c. 10,000 bce), new stone-tool-making techniques evolved, and the use of fire was mastered. Spreading to other parts of East Africa, in the Neolithic period humans clustered into specialized hunting-and-gathering communities from which may have developed some still-existing ways of life. The largest number of relevant sites is close to the homeland of the Hadzapi—the last contemporary hunters and gatherers—and to that of the Sandawe, who are physically and linguistically akin to the San of southern Africa. Remnants of other hunting and gathering communities—such as the Twa and Mbuti of western Uganda—or at least the memory of them, are found in many places. Latterly, they often lived in precisely those highland regions where agriculture and animal domestication in East Africa first occurred.
Food production and the keeping of cattle seem to have begun in the highland and Rift Valley regions of Kenya and of northern Tanzania in the 1st millennium bce and to have derived from peoples who were probably southern Cushites from Ethiopia. Some traces of these interlopers remain among, for example, the Iraqw of Tanzania, and it may be that the age-old systems of irrigation found throughout this region owe their origins to this period as well. Agriculture preceded the smelting of iron in these areas, and hunting and gathering continued to be important for the domestic economy. It looks as if in due course southern Cushites spread deep into what is now southern Tanzania, but, so far as has been ascertained, food production did not develop in the period bce elsewhere in Tanzania, nor in what is now Uganda.
The spread of ironworking and the Bantu migrations
It is still far from clear when and whence iron smelting spread to the East African interior. Certainly there was no swift or complete transfer from stone to iron. At Engaruka, for example, in that same region of the Rift Valley in northern Tanzania, a major Iron Age site, which was both an important and concentrated agricultural settlement using irrigation, seems to have been occupied for over a thousand years. Significantly, its styles of pottery do not seem to have been related to those that became widespread in the 1st millennium ce. It is a reasonable assumption that its inhabitants were Cushitic speakers, but it seems that its major period belongs to the middle of the 2nd millennium ce.
The major occurrences of the 1st millennium ce involved the spread of agriculture—more particularly, the cultivation of the banana—to the remaining areas of East Africa. Simultaneously or perhaps previously went the spread of ironworking, and fairly certainly too the diffusion of Bantu languages—except in the core of the Cushitic wedge and to the north of an east-west line through Lake Kyoga. If, as seems probable, proto-Bantu languages had their origins in the eastern interior of West Africa, it does not seem inconceivable that over a lengthy period of time some of its speakers, probably carrying with them a knowledge of grain agriculture and conceivably a knowledge of ironworking, should have diffused along the tributaries of the Congo River to the savanna country south of the Congo forest into what is now the region of Katanga (Shaba) in Congo (Kinshasa). Nor does it seem inconceivable that the banana, originally an Indonesian plant particularly suitable in tropical conditions, should have spread to that same region up the Zambezi valley (certainly the Malayo-Polynesian influences in Madagascar in the 1st millennium ce are well attested in other respects). At all events, the linguistic and archaeological arguments for a fairly rapid eastward and northward expansion during the 1st millennium ce from the Katanga area now have wide acceptance. Bantu languages came to dominate most of this region (many Cushitic speakers in what is now Tanzania seem to have switched over to them or to have been eliminated). More varieties of banana developed in East Africa than anywhere else in the world. Ironworking was soon prevalent, and, where rainfall, soil nutrients, and the absence of the tsetse fly allowed, population growth increased decisively.
The early interlacustrine kingdoms
Sometime before the middle of the 2nd millennium ce, some of the most interesting developments were occurring in the interlacustrine area—i.e., the region bounded by Lakes Victoria, Kyoga, Albert, Edward, and Tanganyika. Vague accounts of rulerships in various parts of this area date from the first half of the 2nd millennium ce, and it is at least possible that they existed—though they may well have been judicial arbitrators or ritual leaders rather than more strictly political figures. Whether they had their origins in roving Cushitic or Nilotic cattle keepers from the north or northeast—as has been variously suggested—is impossible to say, though some such explanation would not be difficult to believe. What seems certain is that about the middle of the present millennium a sudden cultural political climax was marked by a short-lived, though widely acknowledged, dynasty of Chwezi rulers.
The Chwezi people are frequently associated with the great earthwork sites at Bigo, Mubende, Munsa, Kibengo, and Bugoma, in western Uganda. That at Mubende seems to have been a religious centre. The largest is at Bigo, where a ditch system, more than 6.5 miles (10.5 km) long, some of it cut out of rock, encloses a large grazing area on a riverbank. It looks as if it comprised both a royal capital and a well-defended cattle enclosure. Its construction must certainly have required a considerable mobilization of labour—which, apart from indicating that it must have been the work of a substantial political power, would support the view that the distinction between cultivators and a pastoral aristocracy, which later became typical of this area, is of very long standing. Radioactive carbon dating suggests Bigo was occupied from the mid-14th to the early 16th century. This correlates with the evidence of oral tradition that around the turn of the 15th century the Chwezi were supplanted in the north by Luo rulers of the Bito clan (who provided the dynasties that ruled in Bunyoro, Koki, Buganda, and parts of Busoga) and that they were superseded to the south by various Hima rulers of the Hinda clan (in Ankole, Buhaya, Busubi, and around to the southeast of Lake Victoria). Under these, and the corresponding Nyiginya dynasty in Rwanda, powerful traditional rulerships among the interlacustrine Bantu persisted after the middle of the 20th century.
Their relatively common experience was reinforced in the aftermath of the Chwezi dynasty by the prevalence among them of a variety of (often commemorative) Chwezi religious movements. In some areas these took the form of spirit-possession cults; in others, pantheons of deities were developed. In various guises—sometimes in support of the existing political order, sometimes against it—they spread into Bunyoro, Buganda, Busoga, Ankole, Buha, Rwanda, Burundi, and even to Nyamwezi country, in what is now Tanzania. So extensive a diffusion of a basically common religious tradition in any other part of the East African interior before the much later arrival of Islam and Christianity was rare indeed.
The chieftainships of the southern savanna
In northwestern Tanzania, dynasties of a pre-Chwezi kind apparently spread from the interlacustrine area during the middle centuries of the present millennium. Ntemi (as the office was called) became prevalent among both the Sukuma and the Nyamwezi. They (the ntemi) were probably as much ritual leaders as political rulers; certainly they do not seem to have exercised before the 19th century a “state” authority that was characteristic of the later interlacustrine rulers. By roughly the 16th century there may have been an extension of this style of chieftainship southward into southwestern Tanzania. At all events, the chiefly groups among the Nyamwanga, the Nyika, the Safwa, the Ngonde, the Kinga, the Bena, the Pangwa, the Hehe, and the Sangu have common traditions of origin, and it seems clear that they are to be distinguished from their significantly different, matrilineal neighbours in southern Tanzania, Zambia, and Congo (Kinshasa). There also seem to have been secondary movements of ntemi-like institutions in the 18th century to Ugogo, Safwa, Kaguru, Kilimanjaro, and Usambara. At the same time, the development of chieftainships in these other areas of Tanzania may originally have occurred independently of influences from elsewhere.