institutional racism, the perpetuation of discrimination on the basis of “race” by political, economic, or legal institutions and systems. According to critical race theory, an offshoot of the critical legal studies movement, institutional racism reinforces inequalities between groups—e.g., in wealth and income, education, health care, and civil rights—on the basis of the groups’ perceived racial differences. Institutional racism became a particular focus of scholarly investigation in the 1980s, especially in the United States.
Since the late 20th century the notion of biological race has been recognized as a cultural invention that is entirely without scientific basis. Nevertheless, racism categorizes people by skin colour, ethnicity, and culture to distribute societal goods and resources in a fashion that unfairly disadvantages members of some groups and, without merit, benefits others. The concept of institutional racism is predicated on the supposition that racism is not always conscious, intentional, explicit, or obvious but instead is frequently ingrained in systems, laws, policies, beliefs, and practices that result in, condone, and perpetuate inequitable treatment and oppression of people of colour, especially Black Americans. Although many scholars use the terms institutional racism, systemic racism, and structural racism synonymously, others distinguish between them, noting that the emphasis of systemic racism is on the systems involved—e.g., legal, political, educational, and criminal justice systems—whereas the emphasis of structural racism is on the elements that provide the foundation for those systems, including policies, laws, and institutional practices. Institutional racism, on the other hand, has been used as an overarching term that encompasses the roles played by both systems and structures in discrimination and oppression based on “race.”
Arguably, institutional racism has been prevalent in American society since colonial times, beginning with its overt expressions in the institution of slavery, Black codes, and Jim Crow segregation. As early as the turn of the 20th century, sociologist and activist W.E.B. Du Bois described racial discrimination as being institutionalized within multiple sectors of society and as self-perpetuating. In contrast to the nakedly discriminatory policies and practices of the Jim Crow era, the aspects of contemporary systems and structures that have created social, political, and economic inequities and injustice for Black, Indigenous, Hispanic (Latinx), and Asian Americans are increasingly hidden—ingrained in the standard operating procedures of institutions and eschewing racial terminology. Many whites are unaware of them.
Institutional racism is often identified through examples that are cited as proof of its existence. On average, Black Americans and Hispanic Americans are less likely than similarly qualified white Americans to be hired for jobs or to receive loans. Disenfranchisement through voter suppression and disempowerment through gerrymandering are prime examples of political marginalization that are said to result from institutional racism. Unsubstantiated or exaggerated allegations of voter fraud have led to changes in voter identification requirements and reduced accessibility to polling places that, voting rights activists argue, have disadvantaged Black Americans and Hispanic Americans.
Residential segregation—explicitly codified in the Jim Crow era but reduced after the Fair Housing Act (1968) outlawed racial discrimination in housing—has persisted in the United States, in no small measure because of discriminatory public and private lending policies and practices that have discouraged loans for individuals living in “redlined” neighbourhoods, designated as hazardous. While post-World War II federal loan programs dramatically increased home ownership for whites, people of colour were frequently denied opportunities to buy homes, thus restricting access to the principal method of accruing generational wealth. Many Blacks and Hispanics continue to live in racially segregated and impoverished neighbourhoods, partly as a result of zoning restrictions that effectively exclude lower-income residents from living in many predominantly white neighbourhoods.
Predominantly Black or Hispanic neighbourhoods also tend to receive fewer or inferior public services. Notably, limited access to good public schools further limits opportunities to obtain good jobs with benefits or to pursue higher education, thereby limiting upward mobility. Blacks and Hispanics are more likely than whites to be unjustly suspected of criminal behaviour, not only by white private citizens but also by police officers. Moreover, separate and unequal neighbourhood conditions contribute to abusive policing practices, and Blacks and Hispanics are more likely than whites to be victims of police brutality, including the unjustified use of lethal force. There is also a pervasive pattern of discriminatory sentencing practices. If convicted of a crime, people of colour are generally incarcerated more often and receive longer sentences than whites who are found guilty of the same offense.