Sama, one of the largest and most diverse ethnolinguistic groups of insular Southeast Asia. The Sama live mainly in the southern half of the Sulu Archipelago, in the southwestern Philippines, although significant populations also live along the coasts of northeastern Borneo—primarily in the Malaysian state of Sabah—where they are known as Bajau. Smaller Sama settlements are widely scattered in coastal regions of the central and northern Philippines, as well as throughout the islands of eastern Indonesia, particularly Sulawesi (Celebes). Sama peoples speak an array of closely related Austronesian languages that are generally grouped as Sama-Bajau. Owing to their mobility, their wide distribution across the Southeast Asian archipelago, and their inconsistent categorization both within and across political boundaries, it has been difficult to obtain a precise population figure for the Sama peoples; early 21st-century estimates were typically between 500,000 and 950,000, based on various social and linguistic criteria. Along with the Maguindanao, the Maranao, and the Tausug, the Sama constitute one of the principal Philippine Muslim groups collectively identified as Moro.
The Sama divide themselves into two basic categories: the land-oriented Sama (sometimes called Sama Dilaya or Sama Diliya), who are typically associated with a specific geographic location, and the nomadic or formerly nomadic sea-based Sama Dilaut, often called “sea gypsies,” who historically lack such geographic ties. In the Philippines, the Tausug term Samal is widely applied to the land-oriented Sama, while the term Bajao is similarly used (erroneously, some would argue) to specify the sea-based Sama. In Malaysia, the Sama are generally called Bajau, although sometimes the land-oriented group is distinguished as Bajau Darat (“Land Bajau”), while the sea-based group is identified as Bajau Laut (“Sea Bajau”). In Indonesia, the Sama are known by the Buginese term Bajo. The land-oriented Sama, by far the larger of the two groups, comprise numerous subgroups, usually identified by their geographic association or dialect. Those identified as Sama Sibutu, for example, either hail from Sibutu island, at the southern tip of the Sulu Archipelago, or they speak the Sibutu dialect of Sama.
For the most part, both the land- and the sea-oriented Sama live in wooden or bamboo houses raised on piles over shallow coastal waters and estuaries. Such dwellings are clustered into small villages and linked through a network of wooden footbridges. Some Sama, however, live in fully land-based farming communities (especially in western Sabah), while the few remaining nomadic Sama live on their boats, anchoring in groups at common moorings across the region.
The primary economic activities of most shoreline Sama revolve around fishing and the collection of marine products (e.g., seaweed and shells), although many villagers are also engaged in agriculture.The main food crops are rice, cassava (manioc), corn (maize), and bananas, supplemented by tomatoes, yams, beans, and other fruits and vegetables. Ginger and sugarcane are also grown, and coconuts are raised for the commercial production of copra. Trade has always been an important component of the Sama economy; indeed, the Sama owe their dispersal throughout the southern Philippines and eastern Indonesia largely to their involvement in the regional sea cucumber trade, especially in the 17th–19th century. Hand manufactures have also figured prominently in many village economies, with particular communities specializing in the production of boats, woven mats, pottery, metalwork, and other items.
Islam, as practiced by both the land- and the sea-based Sama, is heavily infused with local elements. The sea-based Sama, however, have been known for their more markedly indigenous interpretation of the religion. Both groups normally observe major Muslim holidays, such as the feasts at the end of the fasting month of Ramadan and in celebration of the birthday of the prophet Muhammad. Imams or various mosque officials regularly preside over major life rituals (births, deaths, weddings, etc.), but shamans, herbal healers, or other local specialists are often summoned to treat serious illnesses and other forms of adversity. Aside from the supreme god Allāh (or Tuhan), most Sama communities also recognize the presence—and potency—of a host of local malevolent spirits, some bound to the natural environment.
Although central to the enactment of some rituals, music and dance most notably mark the recreational celebrations that are held in conjunction with ritual events. The Sama pangongka’an, a gong-and-drum ensemble, plays a prominent role in both ritual and recreational contexts. The main melody instrument of the ensemble is the kulintangan, a single row of seven to nine small horizontally suspended “pot gongs,” similar to those of the bonang in the Javanese gamelan of Indonesia. (Such a gong row, sometimes with fewer gongs, is also used by many other Muslim peoples of the southern Philippines.) Supporting instruments include several vertically suspended gongs and a long bronze-bodied cylindrical drum. In performance, women play the kulintangan, men play the other gongs, and either a man or a woman may play the drum. Whether heard in a ritual or a recreational setting, the music of the pangongka’an ensemble carries a special authority, as the sounds of the instruments are widely understood to embody the voices and convey the messages of dead ancestors.
The Sama are also renowned for their visual art. Historically, the cross-beams and other structural components of the lepa, or houseboats, of the sea-based Sama were densely decorated with carvings of plant and animal motifs. Meanwhile, the unique grave markers of both the land- and the sea-based groups typically featured images of sea cows, crocodiles, and birds, as well as humans, carved variously from wood and limestone. Together these figures represented the passage of the deceased to the afterworld. The specific design and ornamentation of the grave markers revealed the gender of the deceased.