emergence

science
Also known as: emergent evolution
Key People:
John Henry Holland

emergence, in evolutionary theory, the rise of a system that cannot be predicted or explained from antecedent conditions. George Henry Lewes, the 19th-century English philosopher of science, distinguished between resultants and emergents—phenomena that are predictable from their constituent parts and those that are not (e.g., a physical mixture of sand and talcum powder as contrasted with a chemical compound such as salt, which looks nothing like sodium or chlorine). The evolutionary account of life is a continuous history marked by stages at which fundamentally new forms have appeared: (1) the origin of life; (2) the origin of nucleus-bearing protozoa; (3) the origin of sexually reproducing forms, with an individual destiny lacking in cells that reproduce by fission; (4) the rise of sentient animals, with nervous systems and protobrains; and (5) the appearance of cogitative animals, namely humans. Each of these new modes of life, though grounded in the physicochemical and biochemical conditions of the previous and simpler stage, is intelligible only in terms of its own ordering principle. These are thus cases of emergence.

Early in the 20th century, the British zoologist C. Lloyd Morgan, one of the founders of animal psychology, emphasized the antipode of the principle: nothing should be called an emergent unless it can be shown not to be a resultant. Like Lewes, he treated the distinction as inductive and empirical, not as metempirical or metaphysical—i.e., not beyond the observable realm. Morgan condemned the 20th-century French intuitionist Henri Bergson’s creative evolution as speculative, while proclaiming emergent evolution as a scientific theory. Even so, the theory has not been accepted universally by biologists. With genetics illuminating the mechanism of heredity (and hence the very conditions of evolution) and biochemistry elucidating the workings of the cell nucleus, some biologists are confirmed in their belief that scientific treatment admits only of analysis into parts and not into new kinds of wholes. Thus, they tend to concentrate on the mechanisms of mutation and of natural selection, effective in microevolution—the change from variety to variety and species to species—and to extrapolate these findings to macroevolution, to the origin of the great groups of living things.

Nevertheless, the concept of emergence still figures in some evolutionary thinking. In the 1920s and ’30s, Samuel Alexander, a British realist metaphysician, and Jan Smuts, the South African statesman, espoused emergence theories; and later, others, such as the Jesuit paleontologist Pierre Teilhard de Chardin and the French zoologist Albert Vandel, emphasized the series of levels of organization, moving toward higher forms of consciousness. The philosophy of organism of Alfred North Whitehead, the leading process metaphysician, with its doctrine of creative advance, is a philosophy of emergence; so also is the theory of personal knowledge of Michael Polanyi, a Hungarian scientist and philosopher, with its levels of being and of knowing, none of which are wholly intelligible to those they describe.

social structure, in sociology, the distinctive, stable arrangement of institutions whereby human beings in a society interact and live together. Social structure is often treated together with the concept of social change, which deals with the forces that change the social structure and the organization of society.

Although it is generally agreed that the term social structure refers to regularities in social life, its application is inconsistent. For example, the term is sometimes wrongly applied when other concepts such as custom, tradition, role, or norm would be more accurate.

Studies of social structure attempt to explain such matters as integration and trends in inequality. In the study of these phenomena, sociologists analyze organizations, social categories (such as age groups), or rates (such as of crime or birth). This approach, sometimes called formal sociology, does not refer directly to individual behaviour or interpersonal interaction. Therefore, the study of social structure is not considered a behavioral science; at this level, the analysis is too abstract. It is a step removed from the consideration of concrete human behaviour, even though the phenomena studied in social structure result from humans responding to each other and to their environments. Those who study social structure do, however, follow an empirical (observational) approach to research, methodology, and epistemology.

Social structure is sometimes defined simply as patterned social relations—those regular and repetitive aspects of the interactions between the members of a given social entity. Even on this descriptive level, the concept is highly abstract: it selects only certain elements from ongoing social activities. The larger the social entity considered, the more abstract the concept tends to be. For this reason, the social structure of a small group is generally more closely related to the daily activities of its individual members than is the social structure of a larger society. In the study of larger social groups, the problem of selection is acute: much depends on what is included as components of the social structure. Various theories offer different solutions to this problem of determining the primary characteristics of a social group.

Before these different theoretical views can be discussed, however, some remarks must be made on the general aspects of the social structure of any society. Social life is structured along the dimensions of time and space. Specific social activities take place at specific times, and time is divided into periods that are connected with the rhythms of social life—the routines of the day, the month, and the year. Specific social activities are also organized at specific places; particular places, for instance, are designated for such activities as working, worshiping, eating, and sleeping. Territorial boundaries delineate these places and are defined by rules of property that determine the use and possession of scarce goods. Additionally, in any society there is a more or less regular division of labour. Yet another universal structural characteristic of human societies is the regulation of violence. All violence is a potentially disruptive force; at the same time, it is a means of coercion and coordination of activities. Human beings have formed political units, such as nations, within which the use of violence is strictly regulated and which, at the same time, are organized for the use of violence against outside groups.

Furthermore, in any society there are arrangements within the structure for sexual reproduction and the care and education of the young. These arrangements take the form partly of kinship and marriage relations. Finally, systems of symbolic communication, particularly language, structure the interactions between the members of any society.