Fortune Theatre, Elizabethan public playhouse on the northern edge of London, built in 1600 by Philip Henslowe to compete with the newly constructed Globe Theatre. Named after the goddess of fortune, whose statue stood over the front doorway, the Fortune resembled the Globe except that it was square and its timbers remained unpainted.

Henslowe’s contract for the Fortune Theatre, which provides a detailed description of its specifications, is a primary source of information about the features and construction of Elizabethan playhouses. For the construction of the Fortune, Henslowe employed Peter Street, the same contractor who had built the Globe. What is known about the features of the Globe, therefore, is largely derived from Henslowe’s contract for the Fortune. These documents reveal that the Fortune had a circular, open yard, approximately 55 feet (17 metres) in diameter, surrounded by three tiers of galleries. The rectangular stage, which was 43 feet wide by 27.5 feet deep (13 by 8.5 metres), was covered by a roof. The contract also includes plans for the construction of gentlemen’s rooms, twopenny rooms, and a tiring house, or dressing room. Henslowe paid £520 for the first Fortune Theatre, and it cost almost twice as much to have the theatre rebuilt of brick after it burned down in 1621.

The Fortune opened in 1600 with a performance by the Admiral’s Men, who continued to use it for many years. After the Puritans closed the public theatres in 1642, the Fortune was used occasionally for clandestine performances. One year after Charles II’s return to England in 1660, the Fortune was torn down to accommodate the construction of 23 houses. The Fortune’s name was subsequently used for a new theatre, loosely modeled on the Elizabethan original, that opened in 1924 in the Covent Garden area of London.

This article was most recently revised and updated by John M. Cunningham.

A hundred yards or so southeast of the new Globe Theatre is a vacant lot surrounded by a corrugated-iron fence marked with a bronze plaque as the site of the original Globe Theatre of 1599. A little closer to the new Globe, one can peer through dirty slit windows into a dimly lit space in the basement of a new office building, next to London Bridge, where about two-thirds of the foundations of the Elizabethan Rose Theatre can barely be made out. A little farther to the west, the new Globe rises up on the Bankside, asserting definite knowledge of William Shakespeare’s theatre and deserving praise for doing so; but the difficulty of seeing the earlier theatres in the shadows of the past better represents our understanding of performance in Shakespeare’s theatre.

Acting style—realistic or melodramatic—stage settings, props and machinery, swordplay, costumes, the speed with which the lines were delivered, length of performance, entrances and exits, boys playing the female roles, and other performance details remain problematic. Even the audience—rowdy, middle-class, or intellectual—is difficult to see clearly. Scholars have determined something of the mise-en-scène, but not nearly enough, and, while the historians continue their painstaking researches, the best general sense of Shakespeare in his theatre still comes from the little plays within his plays that across the centuries still give us something of the feel of performance in the Elizabethan theatre.

The internal play appears frequently in the early plays The Taming of the Shrew, Love’s Labour’s Lost, and A Midsummer Night’s Dream. The Taming of the Shrew, for example, is a theatrical tour de force, consisting of plays set within plays and actors watching other actors acting, seemingly extending into infinity. All the world is a stage in Padua, where the theatre is the true image of life. In the outermost frame-play, the drunken tinker Christopher Sly is picked out of the mud by a rich lord and transported to his house. A little pretense is arranged, purely for amusement, and when Sly awakes he finds himself in rich surroundings, addressed as a nobleman, obeyed in every wish, and waited on by a beautiful wife. At this point professional players appear, to provide entertainment. They are warmly welcomed and fed, and then they put on a play before Sly about the taming of Kate the shrew.

Shakespeare records the problems of playing and of audiences in more detail in A Midsummer Night’s Dream. No players could be more hopeless than Nick Bottom, the weaver, and his amateur friends, who, in the hope of winning a small pension, perform the internal play, Pyramus and Thisbe, to celebrate the triple marriage of Duke Theseus and two of his courtiers. Bottom’s company is so literal-minded as to require that the moon actually shine, that the wall through which Pyramus and Thisbe speak be solidly there, and that the actor who plays the lion assure the ladies in the audience that he is only a make-believe lion. The literalness which lies behind such a materialistic conception of theatre is at odds with Shakespeare’s poetic drama that created most of its illusion with words, rich costumes, and a few props. In other respects too, the actors’ stumbling rant, missed cues, mispronounced words and lines, willingness to converse directly with the audience, doggerel verse, and general ineptitude constitute a playwright’s nightmare of dramatic illusion trampled into nonsense.

The courtly audience at Pyramus and Thisbe is socially superior to the actors but little more sophisticated about what makes a play work. The duke does understand that, though this play may be, as his betrothed Hippolyta says, “the silliest stuff” he ever heard, it lies within the power of a gracious audience to improve it, for the best of actors “are but shadows; and the worst are no worse, if imagination amend them.” But the nobles in the audience have little of the necessary audience imagination. They mock the actors and talk loudly among themselves during the performance. They are as literal-minded in their own way as the actors, and, as if unaware that they too are actors sitting on a stage, they laugh at what unrealistic and trivial things all plays and players are.

The necessity for “symbolic performance,” which is indirectly defended in these early plays by showing a too-realistic opposite, is explained and directly apologized for in Henry V, written about 1599, where a Chorus speaks for the “bending author” and his actors who “force a play” on the “unworthy scaffold,” the stage of the Globe’s “wooden O.” Here “time,…numbers, and due course of things, / …cannot in their huge and proper life / Be…presented” by players and a playwright who unavoidably must “in little room [confine] mighty men.”

In Hamlet (c. 1599–1601) Shakespeare offers his most detailed image of theatrical performance. Here a professional repertory troupe, similar to Shakespeare’s own Chamberlain’s Men, comes to Elsinore and performs The Murder of Gonzago before the Danish court. Once arrived at the Danish palace, the players are servants, and their low social status determines their treatment by the king’s councillor, Polonius; but Hamlet greets them warmly: “You are welcome, masters; welcome, all. I am glad to see thee well. Welcome, good friends.” He jokes familiarly with the boy who plays female parts about his voice deepening, which will end his ability to play these roles, and twits one of the younger players about his new beard: “O, old friend! Why, thy face is valanced since I saw thee last. Com’st thou to beard me in Denmark?” Hamlet is a theatre buff, like one of the young lords or lawyers from the Inns of Court who sat on the stage or in the gallery boxes above the stage in the London theatres and commented loudly and wittily on the action. Like them too he knows the latest neoclassical aesthetic standards and looks down on what he considers the crudity of the popular theatre: its ranting tragedians, melodramatic acting styles, parts “to tear a cat in,” bombastic blank verse, “inexplicable dumb shows,” vulgar clowns who improvise too much, and the crude audience of “groundlings” who watch the play from the pit. The prince has elevated views of acting—“Suit the action to the word, the word to the action,…o’erstep not the modesty of nature”—and of play construction—“well digested in the scenes, set down with as much modesty as cunning.”

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The players fail to meet Hamlet’s neoclassical standards in both their acting style and their plays. The Murder of Gonzago is an old-fashioned, rhetorical, bombastic tragedy, structured like a morality play, beginning with a dumb show and filled with stiff formal speeches. But the play does “hold as ’twere the mirror up to nature, to show virtue her feature, scorn her own image, and the very age and body of the time his form and pressure.” The Murder of Gonzago, for all its artistic crudity, reveals the hidden disease of Denmark, the murder of the old king by his brother.

But the effect on the audience of this theatrical truth is not what either Hamlet or Shakespeare might hope for. Gertrude fails to see, or ignores, the mirror of her own unfaithfulness held up to her by the player queen: “The lady doth protest too much, methinks.” Claudius, realizing his crime is known, immediately plots to murder Hamlet. Even Hamlet the critic is a bad audience. During the performance he makes loud remarks to other members of the audience, baits the actors, criticizes the play, and misses its main point about the necessity of accepting the imperfections of the world and of oneself.

Performance in these internal plays is always unsatisfactory in some respect, and the audience must for the most part read Shakespeare’s own views on theatrical matters in reverse of these mirror stages. Only near the end of his career does Shakespeare present an idealized theatre of absolute illusion, perfect actors, and a receptive audience. In The Tempest (c. 1611), Prospero, living on a mysterious ocean island, is a magician whose art consists of staging redemptive illusions: storm and shipwreck, an allegorical banquet, “living drolleries,” a marriage masque, moral tableaux, mysterious songs, and emblematic set pieces. All of these “playlets” have for once the desired effect on most of their audiences, bringing them to an admission of former crimes, repentance, and forgiveness. In Ariel, the spirit of fancy and playfulness, and his “rabble” of “meaner fellows,” the playwright at last finds perfect actors who execute his commands with lightning swiftness, taking any shape desired in an instant. Prospero’s greatest play is his “masque of Juno and Ceres,” which he stages as an engagement celebration for his daughter and Prince Ferdinand. The masque tells the young lovers of the endless variety, energy, and fruitfulness of the world and reassures them that these things will be theirs to enjoy in their marriage.

But Shakespeare’s old doubts about plays, theatres, players, and audiences still are not silenced. Prospero’s masque is broken off by a crowd of drunken rowdies, and he, like some medieval poet writing his palinode, abjures his “rough magic,” breaks and buries his staff, and drowns his book “deeper than did ever plummet sound.” The great masque is spoken of slightingly only as “some vanity of mine art,” and, when the performance is over, the actors and the play, however extraordinary they may have been for a moment, are gone forever, “melted into air, into thin air.”

To look at the Elizabethan theatre through Shakespeare’s internal plays is to, as Polonius advises, “by indirections find directions out.” Seldom to be taken straight, these internal plays nonetheless reveal the aspects of presentation that regularly attracted Shakespeare’s attention. His own professional actors were probably not as crude as Bottom’s amateur players, nor were his plays by any means so old-fashioned as The Murder of Gonzago. And he probably never found actors as pliable and accommodating as Ariel and his company of spirits. But, as he portrays his players, his stage, and his audience ironically, he always returns to the same performance issues. Do the players perform badly? How realistic is the stage setting? Does the audience hear and see the play in the right imaginative spirit, and does it move them toward some kind of moral reformation? Is the play put together in an effective manner? Sometimes the poet apologizes for the necessity of illusion on his bare stage, as does the Chorus in Henry V; sometimes he laughs at excessive realism, as in Pyramus and Thisbe; sometimes he laments the transience of theatrical illusion as Prospero does; and sometimes he mocks his audiences for failing to enter into the artificial reality of the creative imagination. But all his oblique comments on performance in his theatre show a relatively crude and limited performance on the actual stage contrasted with the powers of imagination, in the playwright’s words and the audience’s reception, to create understanding and moral regeneration through illusion.

Alvin B. Kernan