Lost Cause
- Location:
- United States
Lost Cause, an interpretation of the American Civil War viewed by most historians as a myth that attempts to preserve the honour of the South by casting the Confederate defeat in the best possible light. It attributes the loss to the overwhelming Union advantage in manpower and resources, nostalgically celebrates an antebellum South of supposedly benevolent slave owners and contented enslaved people, and downplays or altogether ignores slavery as the cause of war. It became the philosophical foundation for the racial violence and terrorism employed to reverse Reconstruction and for the reimposition of white supremacy in the Jim Crow era. Its acceptance in the North as well as in the South facilitated national reunion following the war but at the cost of the civil rights of African Americans.
All major wars and their aftermaths compel a struggle over their memory. Commonly, war leaves emotional, logistical, and physical challenges of mourning, recovery, even survival. Great loss is a universal element in the harvest of war. We see it in countless cemeteries across modern landscapes, in monuments of all kinds, and in the less visible ideologies that emerge in the struggles over interpreting and explaining the meanings of war.
Sometimes the losers of wars prevail over winners in contests to shape historical memory. In part, this was the case in the United States in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. After the Civil War, white Southerners (both surviving ex-Confederates and the next generation of their children) and their Northern allies constructed a “Lost Cause” tradition. They fashioned a potent and racially exclusive version of the nature and meaning of the war as well as the period of Reconstruction (1865–77).
The Lost Cause emerged among ex-Confederates as a series of mourning rituals and as a psychological response to the trauma of defeat. The Confederacy had truly been defeated. Slavery, its system of labour and social organization, had been destroyed. The social infrastructure—railroads, harbours, schools, and in some cases whole cities themselves—had been devastated. Hundreds of thousands of white Southern men and even teenage boys were dead or crippled with wounds. Plantations had been laid to waste in certain regions of the South. The former Confederacy was a land of ruins. The very idea of race relations was about to undergo a revolution. An enormous war and bloodletting, unprecedented in modern U.S. history, had to somehow be put aside and a new order imagined and executed. Was it even possible for defeated white Southerners to accept their defeat and find a way to move on into the postwar world?
They needed explanations and stories in which to embed their woe, their loss, and their hatred. But, with time, they conceived a deep mythology, a rather lethal narrative of their loss, explanations of what had been at stake, and why they believed they had surrendered on battlefields but never, they contended, in the realm of ideology. With time, the Lost Cause tradition took root in selective reinterpretations of the war’s causes, in Southern resistance to Reconstruction, in ever more virulent doctrines of white supremacy, and in a nostalgic popular culture enjoyed and promoted by Northern as well as Southern culture brokers.
Lost Cause advocates—from high-ranking officers to common soldiers writing reminiscences and women leading memorial associations—argued that the Confederates had lost only to superior Yankee numbers and resources, minimized the role that slavery had played in catalyzing secession and the war or claimed that the war had never been about slavery, and called for the nation to reconcile by equally honouring both Confederate and Union sacrifices. In the rapidly modernizing and changing environment of industrial, urban, multiethnic immigrant America of the late 19th and early 20th centuries, the Old South of alleged benevolent masters and faithful slaves, of Robert E. Lee portrayed as the country’s truest Christian soldier and increasingly on equestrian statues, provided a sentimentalized road to reunion between North and South. The Lost Cause thus became a narrative of order and revival of old values and a tonic against fear of social and racial change.
The honouring and near sainthood of Lee began early, right after his death in 1870. Many of his former officers fashioned a history of the war that made Lee a nearly infallible warrior betrayed by lesser subordinates. A cause deemed so noble in defeat needed a nearly pure hero. Even in the North, Lee was widely venerated as a supremely able soldier and model of Christian rectitude. However, this emerging national admiration for Lee the soldier prompted outrage from critics who wondered how a loser in such a vast rebellion that could have been prosecuted as “treason” could be deemed a public icon. In 1871 Frederick Douglass, the nation’s most prominent Black voice, denounced the potential of this Lee cult. He feared a “devoutly cherished sentiment, inseparably identified with the ’lost cause.’ ” Douglass condemned the “bombastic laudation of the rebel chief” and complained that he could “scarcely take up a newspaper…that is not filled with nauseating flatteries of the late Robert E. Lee.” On May 29, 1890, after long planning and controversy, a giant statue of Lee on horseback was unveiled in Richmond, Virginia, before a crowd of an estimated 100,000 to 150,000 people, the beginning of the more than decade-long construction of Monument Avenue in the former Confederate capital, a street that would enshrine four additional Confederate heroes.
From 1865 to the 1880s, these Confederate legends had been forged by wartime participants determined to vindicate their cause. By the 1890s, however, Lost Cause culture had emerged, especially through the work of the United Daughters of the Confederacy (UDC). Elite Southern white women, claiming direct family relationships to the Confederacy through their fathers and uncles, or sometimes husbands and brothers, built monuments, lobbied congressmen, delivered lectures, ran essay contests for schoolchildren, raised money, and strove to control the content of history textbooks, all in the service of an exalted South of yore.
Above all, Lost Causers—women in the UDC and men through the United Confederate Veterans (UCV) association, which by 1904 claimed 1,565 active local camps, at least one camp in 75 percent of all counties in the 11 former Confederate states—advocated a story not about “loss” at all. Their tales increasingly became a victory narrative about the nation’s overall triumph against the racial revolutions and constitutional transformations of Reconstruction. The defeat of Black civil and political rights and, for some, even the terrorist violence it took to accomplish the white Southern Democrats’ counterrevolution against Reconstruction emerged as honoured central themes of Lost Cause culture.
In his two-volume memoir, The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government (1881), former Confederate president Jefferson Davis argued that slavery “was in no wise the cause of the conflict” and that slaves had been “contented with their lot.” He too declared the Lost Cause not lost: “Well may we rejoice in the regained possession of self-government.…This is the great victory…a total non-interference by the Federal Government with the domestic affairs of the States.” When 21st-century conservative politicians or judges demand the return of power to the “states,” we often hear, knowingly or not, echoes of Jefferson Davis.
As racial segregation took hold in law across the South by the 1890s, a new generation of white Southerners took up the Lost Cause as a racial ideology, but they did so by listening to the older representatives of the war generation. White supremacy and the stories of the Lost Cause reverberated in the very heartbeat of Jim Crow America. Between 1890 and the early 1920s, the vast majority of the many hundreds of Confederate monuments that dot the South’s civic spaces were unveiled, sometimes dedicated with speeches that touted their importance as a bulwark of the Jim Crow world they represented.
In February 1896 in Richmond, the Ladies Memorial Association of that city as well as Confederate veterans conducted formal exercises dedicating the White House of the Confederacy, Jefferson Davis’s executive mansion in 1861–65, as the “Treasure House of Confederate history and relics.” It later became known as the Museum of the Confederacy. Virginia’s governor, Charles T. O’Ferrall, spoke of the Lost Cause as a holy heritage “crushed out…under the Juggernaut wheels of superior numbers and merciless power” from the North but also as a tradition with “no lingering feeling of bitterness” and therefore as a source of national reconciliation.
But then the principal orator of the day, former Confederate general Bradley T. Johnson, a popular Southern memorial speaker, took the podium. With the windows of the ornate room festooned with Confederate flags and military relics all around, Johnson launched into a virulent expression of the Lost Cause as racial ideology. He declared secession a sacred act and said that there was nothing “lost” about the South’s cause. “The world is surely coming to the conclusion,” Johnson proclaimed, “that the cause of the Confederacy was right.” The war had been a battle of the “free mobocracy of the North” against a “slave democracy of the South.” Many Lost Cause orators were particularly astute propagandists as they fashioned a set of beliefs in search of a history. Johnson labeled slavery “the apprenticeship by which savage races had been educated and trained into civilization by their superiors.” By Yankee conquest “the negro…, against his will, without his assistance” had been “turned loose in America to do the best he can in the contest with the strongest race that ever lived.” Johnson was not finished honouring the Confederate heritage until he announced, “The great crime of the century was the emancipation of the negroes.”
By contrast, there always have been some in the South who have dissented from the Lost Cause ideology, beginning with the Scalawags, the ex-Confederates who joined the Republican Party during Reconstruction, including celebrated former guerrilla cavalry colonel John S. Mosby, who pointedly identified slavery as the cause of the war. Among the dissenting groups were a pair of multiracial political movements whose members, having attained state as well as federal office, pursued an agenda that benefited Black and white working people: the “Readjusters” of Virginia in the 1880s, led by former general William Mahone, and the “Fusionists” of North Carolina in the 1890s, a coalition of Republicans and Populists. There is also a Southern literary tradition of rejection of the interpretation and values of the Lost Cause that stretches from George Washington Cable to William Faulkner, Robert Penn Warren (who wrote about the “misreading” of Southern history and tradition and of the South’s “twisted loyalties”), and Flannery O’Connor.
Nonetheless, the Lost Cause has never died in American culture and politics, though, as the years went on, it would seldom be espoused in the sort of stark language used by Johnson. It has endured in modern tastes for Civil War memorabilia and art, such as the epic films Gone with the Wind (1939) and Gods and Generals (2003), as well as in ubiquitous uses of the Confederate Battle Flag to oppose civil rights and represent Southern identity. Many civil rights advocates have argued that states’ rights traditions rooted in the Confederacy have been used by advocacy groups, including members of the modern Republican Party, to suppress the voting rights of African Americans and other constituencies. Confederate mythology also inspired a horrific mass murder by a young white supremacist at Emanuel AME Church in Charleston, South Carolina, in June 2015, and it was a component of the hate-fueled worldviews represented in a large white supremacy march that ended in one death and dozens of injuries in Charlottesville, Virginia, in August 2017.
In the 21st century there has been much controversy regarding Confederate memorials. Those who view them as offensive monuments to a white supremacist past have demanded their removal, and many have been taken down, especially in the wake of the nationwide demonstrations in 2020 orchestrated by the Black Lives Matter movement in response to the killing of an African American man, George Floyd, while in the custody of the Minneapolis police. Those who have opposed the statues’ removal argue that they are representations of Southern historical heritage. Behind these politically charged arguments lurks the Lost Cause. No matter how discredited, no matter how much mainstream historical scholarship and teaching curricula expose and explain the Lost Cause traditions, they endure—especially for those in search of a past that they believe will relieve them of the present. Some Americans are forever in search of safe havens for racial ideologies that reject the dynamism of the multiethnic America the nation has become.