print Print
Please select which sections you would like to print:
verifiedCite
While every effort has been made to follow citation style rules, there may be some discrepancies. Please refer to the appropriate style manual or other sources if you have any questions.
Select Citation Style
Feedback
Corrections? Updates? Omissions? Let us know if you have suggestions to improve this article (requires login).
Thank you for your feedback

Our editors will review what you’ve submitted and determine whether to revise the article.

Also known as: Persian religion

The Iranians conceived of the cosmos as a three-tiered structure consisting of the earth below, the atmosphere, and the stone vault of heaven above. Beyond the vault of heaven was the realm of the Endless Lights, and below the earth was the realm of darkness and chaos. The earth itself rested on the cosmic sea called Varu-Karta. In the centre of the earth was the cosmic mountain Harā, down which flowed the river Ardvī. The earth was divided into six continents surrounding the central continent, Khvaniratha, the locus of Aryāna Vaijah, the Aryan land (i.e., Iran).

Cultic practices, worship, and festivals

In sharp contrast to the peoples of the Middle East, the Iranians did not make images of their deities, nor did they build temples to house them, preferring to worship in the open. Worship of the gods was performed primarily in the context of a central ritual called yazna, which corresponds in a great many details to the Vedic yajña. It is interesting to note that both rituals, though they have undergone some changes over the millennia, are still performed by Zoroastrians and Hindus in what must be the oldest continuously enacted ritual known. The plan of the yazna, as far as it can be reconstructed, was essentially that of a highly stylized festive meal offered to an honoured guest, the sacrificer being the host and the deity the guest. Although it is not known precisely when or how frequently the yazna was held (in Zoroastrianism it became a daily ritual), the reason for holding a yazna was to enter into communion with a divine being either for a specific purpose (to obtain offspring or a victory, and for example) or for general welfare or as an expression of piety. As a ritual meal, the yazna followed the established rules of hospitality: the guest was sent an invitation; on his arrival from afar he was greeted, shown to a comfortable seat, given meat and a refreshing and invigorating drink, and entertained with song extolling his great deeds and virtues. Finally, the guest was expected to return the hospitality in the form of a gift.

Of utmost importance was fire. In ancient Iran, fire was at once a highly sacred element and a deity. Thus, the word ātar denoted simultaneously “fire” and “Fire,” every instance of fire being a manifestation of the deity. Since burned offerings were not made, the role of Ātar, like that of his Vedic counterpart Agni, was principally that of intermediary between heaven and earth, between humans and gods. Beyond the sphere of the yazna, fire was always treated with utmost care as a sacred element. Whether in the household hearth or, at a later period, in fire temples, the sacred fire had to be maintained with proper fuel, kept free from polluting agents, and above all never permitted to go out or be extinguished.

More important than the meat offering of an animal victim was the preparation of the divine drink hauma. As with fire, hauma was regarded as both a sacred drink and as a powerful deity. Probably the greatest part of the yazna was devoted to the pressing of the hauma. Although there have been a number of proposals for the identification of the plant whose juices were extracted for the ritual drink, all have fallen short of absolute proof, and some, such as the toxic mushroom Amanita muscaria, are not worth consideration. In any case, an understanding of the religious meaning of hauma does not depend on a botanical identification. The word hauma itself derives from a verb “to press, extract” and thus literally means the juice that has been pressed out of the stems or stalks (ãsu) of whatever plant was being used. In this process the stalks were first soaked in water, then pounded. In Zoroastrianism this has been done with a metal mortar and pestle, but originally the stalks were pounded between two pressing stones, a lower and an upper. The juice, described as yellow, was filtered and mixed with milk, to cut the bitter taste, and perhaps with water too. Since the resulting drink was consumed immediately, it is clear that it was not alcoholic but rather was a mind-altering drug. The Yasht to Hauma says, “All other intoxicants are accompanied by Wrath with the horrible club, but that intoxication which is Hauma’s is accompanied by gladdening Truth (arta).” This brief statement can be amplified by the far more extensive descriptions of the Rigveda, where soma is not only offered to the gods but also taken by poets to enhance their insight and creative powers in their search for truth. Also, hauma, invoked for victory, was taken as a stimulant by warriors going into battle, and various heroes of Iranian myth and legend are remembered as primary practitioners of its cult.

As mentioned above, a comfortable seat was provided for the god or gods invited to yazna. Originally this consisted of special grasses strewn on the ground in front of the altar. In Vedic terminology this seat was called the barhish (Avestan barzish, “cushion”), while in Zoroastrianism a cognate word, Avestan barəsman (Iranian barzman), is used for a bundle of sticks—later thin metal rods—that is manipulated by the priest.

It is likely that from a very early period a priest, the zautar (Vedic hotar), was required to properly carry out the yasna. The zautar might be assisted by a number of other ritual specialists. With the priest or priests acting on behalf of the sacrificer, the god or gods were invoked through the intermediary of Fire. The sacred drink was prepared and the victim led up. When the god arrived, he was seated on the barzman and given food (parts of the slaughtered victim) and drink, after which he was entertained with song. Finally, the host-sacrificer put in a request for a return gift: heroic sons, long life, health, or victory, for example. In a certain sense, then, the entire ritual followed the old Latin dictum do ut des (“I give so that you may give”), in providing a means of inducing the powerful deities to act with favour toward human beings. Yet it also made possible communion between the divine and human realms. Deities could also be addressed directly in prayer with the supplicant standing erect with upraised arms; prostration was unknown.

Of further importance is the song of praise directed to the divine guest. Much of the poetic portions of the Avesta and almost all of the Rigveda must be understood in this ritual context. That is to say, ancient Indo-Iranian poetry was religious in nature and specifically composed for those ritual occasions when the gods required songs of praise to make them well disposed to their worshippers. The obscurity of Zarathustra’s Gāthās and of many Vedic hymns can best be understood when it is realized that the intended audience was not humans but rather the gods.

During the year there were various festivals, mostly relating to the agricultural and herding cycles. By far the most important was that of the New Year, which is still celebrated by Iranians with great festivity.