- Texts and versions
The Qumrān texts and other scrolls
- Related Topics:
- number of the beast
- Hebrew Bible
- mammon
- Bible
- biblical criticism
Until the discovery of the Judaean desert scrolls, the only premedieval fragment of the Hebrew Bible known to scholars was the Nash Papyrus (c. 150 bce) from Egypt containing the Decalogue and Deuteronomy. Now, however, fragments of about 180 different manuscripts of biblical books are available. Their dates vary between the 3rd century bce and the 2nd century ce, and all but 10 stem from the caves of Qumrān. All are written on either leather or papyrus in columns and on one side only.
The most important manuscripts from what is now identified as Cave 1 of Qumrān are a practically complete Isaiah scroll (1QIsaa), dated about 100–75 bce, and another very fragmentary manuscript (1QIsab) of the same book. The first contains many variants from the Masoretic text in both orthography and text, and the second is very close to the Masoretic type and contains few genuine variants. The richest hoard, from Cave 4, includes fragments of 5 copies of Genesis, 8 of Exodus, 1 of Leviticus, 14 of Deuteronomy, 2 of Joshua, 3 of Samuel, 12 of Isaiah, 4 of Jeremiah, 8 of the Minor Prophets, 1 of Proverbs, and 3 of Daniel. Cave 11 yielded a Psalter containing the last third of the book in a form different from that of the Masoretic text, as well as a manuscript of Leviticus.
The importance of the Qumrān scrolls cannot be exaggerated. Their great antiquity brings them close to the Hebrew Bible period itself—from as early as 250–200 bce. For the first time, Hebrew variant texts are extant and all known major text types are present. Some are close to the Septuagint, others to the Samaritan. On the other hand, many of the scrolls are practically identical with the Masoretic text, which thus takes this recension back in history to pre-Christian times. Several texts in the paleo-Hebrew script show that this script continued to be used side by side with the Aramaic script for a long time.
Of quite a different order are scrolls from other areas of the Judaean desert. All of these are practically identical with the received text. This applies to fragments of Leviticus, Deuteronomy, Ezekiel, and Psalms discovered at Masada (the Jewish fortress destroyed by the Romans in 73 ce) as well as to the finds at Wadi Al-Murabbaʿat, the latest date of which is 135 ce. Here were found fragments of Genesis, Exodus, Leviticus, and Isaiah in addition to a substantially preserved Minor Prophets scroll. Variants from the Masoretic text are negligible. The same phenomenon characterizes the fragments of Numbers found at Naḥal Ḥever.
Masoretic texts
No biblical manuscripts have survived from the six centuries that separate the latest of the Judaean desert scrolls from the earliest of the Masoretic period. A “Codex Mugah,” frequently referred to as an authority in the early 10th century, and the “Codex Hilleli,” said to have been written circa 600 by Rabbi Hillel ben Moses ben Hillel, have both vanished.
The earliest extant Hebrew Bible codex is the Cairo Prophets written and punctuated by Moses ben Asher in Tiberias (in Palestine) in 895. Next in age is the Leningrad Codex of the Latter Prophets dated to 916, which was not originally the work of Ben Asher, but its Babylonian pointing—i.e., vowel signs used for pronunciation purposes—was brought into line with the Tiberian Masoretic system.
The outstanding event in the history of that system was the production of the model so-called Aleppo Codex, now in Jerusalem. Written by Solomon ben Buya’a, it was corrected, punctuated, and furnished with a Masoretic apparatus by Aaron ben Moses ben Asher about 930. Originally containing the entire Hebrew Bible in about 380 folios, of which 294 are extant, the Aleppo Codex remains the only known true representative of Aaron ben Asher’s text and the most important witness to that particular Masoretic tradition that achieved hegemony throughout Jewry.
Two other notable manuscripts based on Aaron’s system are the manuscript designated as BM or. 4445, which contains most of the Pentateuch and utilized a Masora (text tradition) circa 950, and the Leningrad complete Hebrew Bible designated MSB 19a of 1008. Codex Reuchliana of the Prophets, written in 1105 and now in Karlsruhe, Germany, represents the system of Moses ben David ben Naphtali, which was more faithful to that of Moses ben Asher.
Collations of the Masoretic materials
The earliest extant attempt at collating the differences between the Ben Asher and Ben Naphtali Masoretic traditions was made by Mishael ben Uzziel in his Kitāb al-Ḥulaf (before 1050). A vast amount of Masoretic information, drawn chiefly from Spanish manuscripts, is to be found in the text-critical commentary known as Minhath Shai, by Solomon Jedidiah Norzi, completed in 1626 and printed in the Mantua Bible of 1742. Benjamin Kennicott collected the variants of 615 manuscripts and 52 printed editions (2 vol., 1776–80, Oxford). Giovanni Bernado De Rossi published his additional collections of 731 manuscripts and 300 prints (4 vol., 1784–88, Parma), and C.D. Ginsburg did the same for 70 manuscripts, largely from the British Museum, and 17 early printed editions (3 vol. in 4, 1908–26, London).
Printed editions
Until 1488, only separate parts of the Hebrew Bible had been printed, all with rabbinic commentaries. The earliest was the Psalms (1477), followed by the Pentateuch (1482), the Prophets (1485/86), and the Hagiographa (1486/87), all printed in Italy.
The first edition of the entire Hebrew Bible was printed at Soncino (in Italy) in 1488 with punctuation and accents but without any commentary. The second complete Bible was printed in Naples in 1491/93 and the third in Brescia in 1494. All these editions were the work of Jews. The first Christian production was a magnificent Complutensian Polyglot (under the direction of Francisco Cardinal Jiménez of Spain) in six volumes, four of which contained the Hebrew Bible and Greek and Latin translations together with the Aramaic rendering (Targum) of the Pentateuch that has been ascribed to Onkelos. Printed at Alcalá de Henares (1514–17) and circulated about 1522, this Bible proved to be a turning point in the study of the Hebrew text in western Europe.
The first rabbinic Bible—i.e., the Hebrew text furnished with full vowel points and accents, accompanied by the Aramaic Targums and the major medieval Jewish commentaries—was edited by Felix Pratensis and published by Daniel Bomberg (Venice, 1516/17). The second edition, edited by Jacob ben Hayyim ibn Adonijah and issued by Bomberg in four volumes (Venice, 1524/25), became the prototype of future Hebrew Bibles down to the 20th century. It contained a vast text-critical apparatus of Masoretic notes never since equalled in any edition. Unfortunately, Ben Hayyim had made use of late manuscripts, and the text and notes are eclectic.
In London, Christian David Ginsburg, an immigrant Polish Jew and Christian convert, produced a critical edition of the complete Hebrew Bible (1894, 1908, 1926) revised according to the Masora and early prints with variant readings from manuscripts and ancient versions. It was soon displaced by the Biblica Hebraica (1906, 1912) by Rudolf Kittel and Paul Kahle, two German biblical scholars. The third edition of this work, completed by Albrecht Alt and Otto Eissfeldt (Stuttgart, 1937), finally abandoned Ben Hayyim’s text, substituting that of the Leningrad Codex (B 19a). It has a dual critical apparatus, with textual emendations separated from the manuscript and versional variants. Since 1957, variants from the so-called Judaean desert scrolls have been included. In progress at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem in the early 1970s was the preparation of a new text of the entire Hebrew Bible based on the Aleppo Codex, which was to include all its own Masoretic notes together with textual differences found in all pertinent sources. A sample edition of the Book of Isaiah appeared in 1965.
Early versions
The Aramaic Targums
In the course of the 5th and 6th centuries bce, Aramaic became the official language of the Persian empire. In the succeeding centuries it was used as the vernacular over a wide area and was increasingly spoken by the post-Exilic Jewish communities of Palestine and elsewhere in the Diaspora. In response to liturgical needs, the institution of a turgeman (or meturgeman, “translator”) arose in the synagogues. These men translated the Torah and prophetic lectionaries into Aramaic. The rendering remained for long solely an oral, impromptu exercise, but gradually, by dint of repetition, certain verbal forms and phrases became fixed and eventually committed to writing.
There are several Targums (translations) of the Pentateuch. The Babylonian Targum is known as “Onkelos,” named after its reputed author. The Targum is Palestinian in origin, but it was early transferred to Babylon, where it was revised and achieved great authority. At a later date, probably not before the 9th century ce, it was re-exported to Palestine, where it displaced other, local Targums. On the whole, Onkelos is quite literal, but it shows a tendency to obscure expressions attributing human form and feelings to God. It also usually faithfully reflects rabbinic exegesis.
The most famous of the Palestinian Targums is that popularly known as “Jonathan,” a name derived from a 14th-century scribal mistake that solved a manuscript abbreviation “TJ” as “Targum Jonathan” instead of “Targum Jerusalem.” In contrast to two other Targums, Jerusalem II and III, which are highly fragmentary, Pseudo-Jonathan (Jerusalem I) is virtually complete. It is a composite of the Old Palestinian Targum and an early version of Onkelos with an admixture of material from diverse periods. It contains much rabbinic material as well as homiletic and didactic amplifications. There is evidence of great antiquity but also much late material, indicating that Pseudo-Jonathan could not have received its present form before the Islamic period.
Another extant Aramaic version is the Targum to the Samaritan Pentateuch. It is less literal than the Jewish Targums, and its text was never officially fixed.
The Targum to the Prophets also originated in Palestine and received its final editing in Babylonia. It is ascribed to Jonathan ben Uzziel, a pupil of Hillel, the famous rabbinic sage of the 1st century bce–1st century ce, though it is in fact a composite work of varying ages. In its present form, it discloses a dependence on Onkelos, though it is less literal.
The Aramaic renderings of the Hagiographa are relatively late productions, none of them antedating the 5th century ce.
The Septuagint (LXX)
The story of the Greek translation of the Pentateuch is told in the Letter of Aristeas, which purports to be a contemporary document written by Aristeas, a Greek official at the Egyptian court of Ptolemy II Philadelphus (285–246 bce). It recounts how the law of the Jews was translated into Greek by Jewish scholars sent from Jerusalem at the request of the king.
This narrative, repeated in one form or another by Philo and rabbinic sources, is full of inaccuracies that prove that the author was an Alexandrian Jew writing well after the events he described had taken place. The Septuagint Pentateuch, which is all that is discussed, does, however, constitute an independent corpus within the Greek Bible, and it was probably first translated as a unit by a company of scholars in Alexandria about the middle of the 3rd century bce.
The Septuagint, as the entire Greek Bible came to be called, has a long and complex history and took well over a century to be completed. It is for this reason not a unified or consistent translation. The Septuagint became the instrument whereby the basic teachings of Judaism were mediated to the pagan world, and it became an indispensable factor in the spread of Christianity.
The adoption of the Septuagint as the Bible of the Christians naturally engendered suspicion on the part of Jews. In addition, the emergence of a single authoritative text type after the destruction of the Temple made the great differences between it and the Septuagint increasingly intolerable, and the need was felt for a Greek translation based upon the current Hebrew text in circulation.
The version of Aquila
About 130 ce Aquila, a convert to Judaism from Pontus in Asia Minor, translated the Hebrew Bible into Greek under the supervision of Rabbi Akiba. Executed with slavish literalness, it attempted to reproduce the original to the most minute detail, even to the extent of coining derivations from Greek roots to correspond to Hebrew usage. Little of it has survived except in quotations, fragments of the Hexapla, and palimpsests (parchments erased and used again) from the Cairo Geniza.
The revision of Theodotion
A second revision of the Greek text was made by Theodotion (of unknown origins) late in the 2nd century, though it is not entirely clear whether the Septuagint or some other Greek version underlay his revision. The new rendering was characterized by a tendency toward verbal consistency and much transliteration of Hebrew words.
The translation of Symmachus
Still another Greek translation was made toward the end of the same century by St. Symmachus, an otherwise unknown scholar, who made use of his predecessors. His influence was small despite the superior elegance of his work. Jerome did utilize Symmachus for his Vulgate, but, other than that, his translation is known largely through fragments of the Hexapla.