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Educational systems were also affected by the widespread international migration of professionals and skilled workers that characterized the Middle East. The West siphoned off a significant percentage of the skilled manpower from Lebanon, Syria, Turkey, Egypt, and Jordan. Large numbers of educated persons migrated from Turkey, Lebanon, Syria, and especially Egypt and Jordan to the oil-rich states, particularly Bahrain, Kuwait, Libya, Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Oman, Algeria, and the United Arab Emirates, all of which faced severe manpower shortages. This flow aggravated shortages of skilled workers in many of the exporting countries, especially Jordan, Syria, and Lebanon.

These migration patterns influenced and were influenced by educational developments in several ways. They were the result of systems that did not meet a country’s labour requirements. The outflows further reduced existing standards, because migrants included the most qualified teachers, especially those with vocational and technical skills. Moreover, the attraction of working abroad was so strong that many persons chose schools and subjects in order to enhance their potential for migration, regardless of the domestic demand. Thus, domestic educational systems became geared to meet the needs of other societies while domestic employment needs were neglected.

Despite the many problems, it should be emphasized that all the Middle Eastern states built modern educational systems in the face of considerable difficulties. The importance of education was acknowledged everywhere, and every state strove to make education more relevant to personal and societal needs, to achieve greater equity, to lower the high wastage rates, and to improve quality.

Joseph S. Szyliowicz

Latin America

The term Latin America is a facile concept hiding complex cultural diversity. This abstraction covers a conglomerate of areas, distinguished by differences not only in the Indian and Black population base but also in the superimposed nonindigenous patterns—Spanish, Portuguese, French, Dutch, and Anglo-Saxon. In this brief survey, generalizations will be limited to the major Spanish and Portuguese patterns.

The heritage of independence

At the beginning of the 19th century, the Spanish colonies enjoyed a prosperity that led to optimism, thoughts of independence, and republican rule. In the prolonged struggle for independence, they were all but ruined, and the change from absolute monarchy to popular democracy was far from easy. The revolutionaries tried to follow the U.S. model, but novel institutions clashed with those of the past; governmental practice did not follow political theory; and the legal equality of the citizens hardly corresponded to economic and educational realities.

The new governments all considered education essential to the development of good citizens and to the process of modernization. Accordingly, they tried to expand schools and literacy, but they faced two obstacles. Their first was a disagreement over what should form the content of education. Since the time of the Enlightenment, political tyranny and the Roman Catholic Church had been blamed for backwardness. Thus, once independence had been achieved, the liberals tried to get rid of the church’s privileges and to secularize education. The conservatives, however, wanted to follow traditional educational patterns and considered Catholicism a part of the national character. After decades of confrontation, the liberals in many countries managed to make education both secular in character and a state monopoly. In other countries, such as Colombia, by way of a concordat with the Holy See, religious education became the official one.

The second obstacle to educational expansion was a financial one. The new governments lacked the means with which to establish new schools. Thus, they began to import the Lancaster method of “mutual” instruction (named for its developer, the English educator Joseph Lancaster), which in monitorial fashion employed brighter or more proficient children to teach other children under the direction of an adult master or teacher. Its obvious advantage was that it could accomplish an expansion of education rather quickly and cheaply. Beginning in 1818, it was introduced in Argentina and then in Chile, Colombia, Peru, Mexico, and Brazil. Until well into the second half of the 19th century, it was to be the most widely used system.

Almost all the heroes of independence tried to establish schools and other educational institutions. José de San Martín founded the National Library and the Normal Lancasteriana, a teacher-training school, in Lima; Simón Bolívar established elementary schools in convents and monasteries and founded the Ginecco (1825), known afterward as the Normal Lancasterian School for Women. Bernardino Rivadavia, the first president of Argentina, also stimulated educational development, including the establishment of the University of Buenos Aires. In mid-century Benito Juárez in Mexico also championed education as the only bulwark against chaos and tyranny.

By the 1870s the liberals had won the day almost everywhere throughout Latin America. Education was declared to be compulsory and free, the lack of teachers and teacher colleges notwithstanding. A program to remedy this situation was launched. Chile paid for the educator Domingo Faustino Sarmiento’s travels to the United States and Europe and enabled him to found, on his return in 1842, the Normal School for Teachers. This was the first non-Lancasterian teachers’ college and was to be followed in 1850 by the Central Normal School in Lima and in 1853 by the Normal School for Women in Santiago. Countries with more acute educational problems, such as Ecuador, simply imported the Brothers and Sisters of the Sacred Heart and put them in charge of organizing their educational system. During the 1870s and ’80s, foreign teachers began to be imported and students were sent abroad. Sarmiento had already called in North American teachers to open his normal schools in the 1860s, and Chile invited Germans for its Pedagogical Institute (1889). Germans and Swiss came to Mexico and Colombia; a number of distinguished Mexican educators were trained by Germans in the Model School in Orizaba. With the foreign professors came new pedagogical ideas—especially those of Friedrich Froebel and Johann Friedrich Herbart—and also new ideologies, foremost among them positivism, which flourished in Argentina, Brazil, Chile, and Mexico.

Administration

With independence the task of overseeing public instruction fell to the state and local authorities. Fiscal poverty and a lack of trained personnel soon proved them unequal to the task. Furthermore, since most existing schools were confessional and private, the need for intervention by the central authorities to enforce unity became obvious. In 1827 the Venezuelan government established a Subdirectory of Public Instruction, which in 1838 became a directory. Mexico established a General Directory of Primary Instruction in 1833. Soon some countries decided to assume responsibility for centralization through a ministry for public instruction—Chile and Peru in 1837, Guatemala in 1876, Venezuela in 1881, and Brazil in 1891. Other governments abstained from accepting total responsibility. In Mexico, no ministry was created until 1905 and then only with jurisdiction over the Federal District and territories; even that became a victim of the Mexican Revolution of 1910. In 1922 a Mexican ministry was reestablished, now in charge of the whole republic and taking up the functions that the states could not fulfill. In Argentina the Lainez Law, decreed in 1905, authorized the National Council of Education to maintain, if need be, schools in the provinces.

In all countries, the control over education is in the hands of a ministry of public education or a similar government unit. Its functions include planning, building, and administering schools; authorizing curricula and textbooks for public elementary and secondary schools; and supervising private ones. In some countries, the states sustain their own educational systems, which the federal government then supplements, but, because of the disparity between city and countryside, these federal governments often had to shoulder almost the total burden of rural elementary education.

Primary education and literacy

At the time of independence, elementary education consisted of teaching reading and writing, the religious and civil catechisms, and rudiments of arithmetic and geometry. By the second half of the century it became differentiated between “elementary primary” and “superior primary” education, and the curriculum was enlarged to include the teaching of national language, history, geography, rudimentary natural sciences, hygiene, civics, drawing, physical education, and crafts for boys and needlework for girls. The elementary primary school was increased to five or six years, and the superior primary was to become the secondary school of the 20th century. These educational levels absorbed the greatest part of the governmental efforts and became a means to do away with illiteracy and also to create a concept of citizenship.

Primary instruction was improved by special programs and teacher training, and both benefited not only from educational influences coming from abroad but also from improvements resulting from the study of national problems. Today, primary-school teachers are trained in teachers’ colleges having the status of secondary schools.

Thanks to solid foundations laid during the 19th century, public education in Argentina and Chile reached a high level of competence. In other countries, because of such factors as a more heterogeneous population, a higher level of demographic growth, and greater geographical barriers, the results of great efforts have been less than impressive. Although all countries have declared primary instruction to be free and compulsory, the situation in reality is rather complex. Whereas in towns many children have gone from kindergarten to secondary schools since the beginning of the century, in the rural areas many schools have only one teacher to handle students of all levels. Furthermore, because many Indian citizens do not understand Spanish, special instruction is required.

In the 20th century, governments established special institutions for Indians. The first such cultural mission was created by the Mexican secretary of education, José Vasconcelos, in 1923. The idea was to send an elementary-school teacher, an expert in trades and crafts, a nurse, and a physical-education teacher to underdeveloped communities for a limited period of time to provide the population with some general education. The United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) helped in the training of teachers for these special areas through two regional centres of fundamental education for Latin America (CREFAL), one in Mexico and the other in Venezuela. Many countries tried to master the dropout problem by offering at least one free meal a day to those who continued their schooling.

Uruguay, Argentina, and Chile were able to multiply their schools and thus to provide facilities for their entire population of school age. In other countries the efforts may be gauged by comparing statistics. In Peru only 29,900 children went to school in 1845, but there were 59,000 in 1890 and 2,054,000 in 1965. In Brazil there were 115,000 pupils in 1869, 300,000 in 1889, and 9,923,000 in 1965. In Mexico there were 349,000 in 1874, 800,000 in 1895, and 7,813,000 in 1969. Unfortunately, the high population-growth rate made it difficult to keep up with the ever-increasing needs. Illiteracy was fought by various means in accordance with the political and socioeconomic situation.

Secondary education

During the 19th century, many countries established new secondary schools on the basis of colonial institutions. Thus, in 1821 Argentina converted its College of San Carlos into its College of Moral Sciences. Mexico attempted a total reform in 1833 but would not complete it until 1867 with the founding of the National Preparatory School, which involved reforming the whole system on the basis of positivist philosophy. In Brazil the Royal Military Academy was established in 1810 and the Pedro II College in 1830, but secondary instruction did not prosper until the return of the Jesuits in 1845 and was to be supplemented later by gimnasios—that is, Gymnasien on the German model. Peru and Venezuela established national colleges, and Chile and Argentina created liceos (modeled on the French lycées) and, later, national colleges. (The term college in all cases here is used in the continental European sense to refer to secondary institutions, not institutions of higher education.)

In all countries (except perhaps Chile), secondary instruction was considered a preparation for the university. All attempts to make it more formative and practical failed, in spite of the fact that the government took charge. The secondary-preparatory course lasted from five to six years, with a degree of bachelor (bachillerato) usually awarded upon its completion. Its teachers came from the humanities departments of the universities and the superior normal schools (which existed from 1869 in Argentina, 1889 in Chile, and the 20th century in the other countries).

Polytechnical education—industrial, commercial, and agricultural—had been a concern of liberal governments since the end of the 19th century. Traditional prejudices against practical instruction were overcome only after industrialization began. It was emphasized in Argentina, Venezuela, Chile, and Mexico.

Higher education

Imbued with a revolutionary spirit in which education was a vital element, Latin Americans founded 10 universities between 1821 and 1833, among them the University of Buenos Aires (1821). Bolívar himself established two in Peru, Trujillo (1824) and Arequipa (1828). With independence, practically all theological faculties had disappeared, and their position of preeminence was taken over by faculties of law.

Four universities were founded in the 1840s, Chile’s among them, and 10 more in the second half of the 19th century. In Mexico the new institutions called themselves institutes of arts and sciences, because the University of Mexico (founded in 1551) was associated with colonialism and had become a favourite target of the liberals. The University of Mexico was suppressed in 1865, not to be reopened until 1910, the year of the revolution. Argentine liberals solved their problem by passing the Avellaneda Law (1885), which allowed only national universities, prohibiting private universities (until the reform of 1955).

In Brazil the plans to open a university in 1823 failed. Several professional schools were established, but the first university opened its doors in 1912 in Paraná. In 1920 the Federal University of Rio de Janeiro was founded.

Almost all higher education in Latin America came to be secular and state-operated. The fact that Latin American governments, themselves unstable, generally took charge of higher education explains in part its uncertain existence.

Some colonial religious institutions nevertheless survived. During part of the 19th century, for instance, the University of the Republic in Montevideo maintained its ties with the church. In 1855 the University of San Carlos in Guatemala, through a concordat with Rome, reverted to pontifical status. But with the exception of the Catholic University in Chile (1888), the Pontifical Catholic University of Peru (1917), and the Javeriana University in Colombia (1931), all religious universities were modern creations. The need for technical education was also recognized by the Mexican government when it founded, in 1936, the National Polytechnical Institute as its second national institution of higher learning, with several branches in the country (regional technological institutes) to serve the particular needs of each region.

Until the 20th century, universities were mainly professional schools. Often they also supervised primary and secondary education (Uruguay, 1833–37; Chile, 1842–47; Mexico, 1917–21). Today they also conduct research and try to encourage regional developments. Unofficially, they have sometimes played a role in political life. Since the reform movement for student representation at the University of Córdoba in Argentina in 1918, they have become involved in political controversies. The Mexican government tried to extricate the National University from political strife by giving it autonomy in 1929. Student demonstrations by the late 1960s, however, proved this measure to lack effectiveness.

Reform trends

Although most of the Latin American countries achieved nominal independence in the 19th century, they remained politically, economically, and culturally dependent on U.S. and European powers throughout the first half of the 20th century. By 1960 many viewed this dependency as the reason for Latin America’s state of “underdevelopment” and felt that the situation could best be remedied through educational reform. The most general reform movement (desarrollista) simply accepted the idea of achieving change through “modernization,” in order to make the system more efficient. The Brazilian educationist Paulo Freire, however, advocated mental liberation through self-consciousness, a view that was influential in the 1960s and ’70s throughout Latin America. Because political dictatorship prevailed through the 1960s and part of the 1970s in many countries, authoritarian pedagogy became the practice, especially in Chile. In the 1980s the deep economic crisis in Latin America proved to be the greatest influence on education, obstructing all renovation or modernization of public education.

Josefina Zoraida Vázquez

Southeast Asia

Indigenous culture, colonialism, and the post-World War II era of political independence influenced the forms of education in the nations of Southeast Asia—Myanmar (Burma), Cambodia, Indonesia, Laos, Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand, and Vietnam.

Before 1500 ce, education throughout the region consisted chiefly of the transmission of cultural values through family and community living, supplemented by some formal teaching of each locality’s dominant religion—animism, Hinduism, Buddhism, Daoism, Confucianism, or Islam. Religious schools typically were attended by boys living in humble quarters at the residence of a pundit who guided their study of the scriptures for an indeterminate period of time.

With the advent of Western colonization after 1500 and particularly from the early 19th to the mid-20th century, Western schooling—with its dominantly secular curriculum, sequence of grades, examinations, set calendar, and diplomas—began to make strong inroads on the region’s traditional educational practices. For the indigenous peoples, Western schooling had the appeal of leading to employment in the colonial government and in business and trading firms.

After World War II, as all sectors of Southeast Asia gained political independence, each newly formed country attempted to achieve planned development—to furnish primary schooling for everyone, extend the amount and quality of postprimary education, and shift the emphasis in secondary and tertiary education from liberal, general studies to scientific and technical education. Although indigenous culture was still learned through family living and traditional religion continued to be important in people’s lives, most formal schooling throughout Southeast Asia had become predominantly of a Western, secular variety.

Schooling in all these countries was organized into three main levels: primary, secondary, and higher. In addition, nursery schools and kindergartens, operated chiefly by private groups, were gradually gaining popularity. The typical length of primary schooling was six years. Secondary education was usually divided into two three-year levels. A wide variety of postsecondary institutions offered academic and vocational specializations. Beginning in the 1950s, nonformal education to extend literacy and vocational skills among the adult population expanded dramatically throughout the region. Most of the countries were committed to compulsory basic education, typically for six years but up to nine years in Vietnam. However, the inability of governments to furnish enough schools for their growing populations prevented most from fully realizing the goal of universal basic schooling.

In each country a central ministry of education set schooling structures and curriculum requirements, with some responsibilities for school supervision, curriculum, and finance often delegated to provincial and local educational authorities. Government-sponsored educational research and development bureaus had been established from the 1950s in an effort to make the countries more self-reliant in fashioning education to their needs. Regional cooperation in attacking educational problems was furthered by membership in such alliances as the Southeast Asian Ministers of Education Organization (SEAMEO) and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). The problems that most Southeast Asian education systems continued to face were reducing school dropout and grade-repeater rates, providing enough school buildings and teachers to serve rapidly expanding numbers of children, furnishing educational opportunities to rural areas, and organizing curricula and access to education in ways that suited the cultural and geographical conditions of multiethnic populations.

Myanmar

The indigenous system of education in Myanmar consisted mainly of Buddhist monastic schools of both primary and higher levels. They were based on (1) the moral code of Buddhism, (2) the divine authority of the kings, (3) the institution of myothugyi (township headmen), and (4) widespread male literacy. The Western system was established after the British occupation in 1886. The new system recognized women’s right to formal education in public schools, and women began to play an increasingly important role as teachers. The Government College at Rangoon and the Judson College established in the 19th century were incorporated as the University of Rangoon under the University Act of 1920.

Following independence in 1948, the country experienced more than a decade of political instability until a coup d’état in 1962 brought a strongly centralized socialist government to power. Subsequently, marked improvements in education occurred. Science was emphasized along with general academic subjects, civic education, and practical arts. Primary school attendance for children ages five through nine became free where available. Enrollments in primary schools and secondary schools and in higher education all increased.

Malaysia and Singapore

The Malay states, Singapore, and sectors of North Borneo were British colonies until reorganized as the country of Malaysia in 1963. Singapore left the coalition in 1965 to become an independent city-state. As a result, while Malaysia and Singapore shared common educational roots, their systems diverged after 1965.

Under British rule, the most significant feature of education on the Malay Peninsula was the structuring of primary schools in four language streams—Malay, Chinese, English, and Tamil. Students in the English stream enjoyed favoured access to secondary and higher education as well as to employment in government and commerce. After 1963 Malaysian leaders sought to indigenize and unify their society by adopting the Malay language as the medium of instruction in schools beyond the primary level and by teaching English only as a second language. In contrast, the government of Singapore urged everyone to learn English, plus one other local tongue—Chinese, Malay, or Tamil. Thus, in both Malaysia and Singapore the learning of languages became a critical issue in people’s efforts to gain access to socioeconomic opportunity and in political leaders’ attempts to unify their multiethnic populations.

Efforts to popularize schooling in Malaysia and Singapore were notably successful. By 1968 all primary-age children in Singapore were in school. In both countries, secondary- and higher-education enrollments continued to increase rapidly. Both nations were well supplied with school buildings, textbooks, and trained teachers.

Indonesia

From 100 to 1500 ce the Indonesian aristocracy adopted Hindu and Buddhist teachings, while education for the common people was provided mainly informally through daily family living. Islam, introduced into the archipelago about 1300, spread rapidly in the form of Qurʾān schools. The first few schools on Western lines were established by Portuguese and Spanish priests in the 16th century. As the Dutch colonialists gained increasing control over the islands, they set up schools patterned after those in Holland, primarily for European and Eurasian pupils. In 1848 the Dutch East Indies government officially committed itself to providing education for the native population. However, even though the amount of education for indigenous islanders increased over the following century, Western schooling under the Dutch never reached the majority of the population.

After Indonesians gained independence from the Dutch in 1949, they sought to provide universal elementary schooling and a large measure of secondary and higher education. Progress toward this goal after 1950 was rapid, despite the challenge of an annual population growth rate around 2.3 percent. Enrollments after 1950 increased significantly at the elementary, secondary, and tertiary levels. The majority of the country’s schools were of a Western secular variety, and the remaining Islamic schools were required to offer secular studies in addition to religious subjects.

Philippines

The pre-Spanish Philippines possessed a system of writing similar to Arabic, and it was not uncommon for adults to know how to read and write. Inculcation of reverence for the god Bathala, obedience to authority, loyalty to the family or clan, and respect for truth and righteousness were the chief aims of education. After the Spanish conquest, the first educational institutions to be established on Western lines, apart from parochial schools run by missionaries, were in higher education. The Santo Tomás College, established in 1611 and raised to the status of a university in 1644–45, served for centuries as a centre of intellectual strength to the Filipino people. Educational growth, however, was slow, mainly because of lack of government support.

With the advent of American rule, the stress laid on universal primary education in the policy announced by U.S. Pres. William McKinley on April 7, 1900, led to a rapid growth in primary education. A number of institutions of higher education were also established between 1907 and 1941, including the University of the Philippines (1908). Private institutions of higher education, however, far outnumbered the state institutions, thus indicating a trend that remains a characteristic feature of the system of higher education in the Philippines.

The new Republic of the Philippines emerging after World War II launched a series of national development plans that included components aimed at the renovation and expansion of education to promote socioeconomic modernization. After 1948, enrollments rose dramatically in primary, secondary, and tertiary schools. In the late 20th century the Philippines had more than 1,000 higher-education institutions, and nearly all primary pupils attended public schools.

Thailand

The traditional system of education in Thailand was inspired by the Thai philosophy of life, based on (1) dedication to Theravada Buddhism, with its emphasis on moral excellence, generosity, and moderation, (2) veneration for the king, and (3) loyalty to the family. The beginning of the modern system of education can be traced to 1887, when King Chulalongkorn set up a department of education with foreign advisers, mostly English educationists. Gradually, temple schools were established. The process of Westernization of education was strengthened with the establishment of a medical school in 1888, a law school in 1897, and a royal pages’ school in 1902 for the general education of “the sons of the nobility.” It was converted into the Civil Service College in 1910.

The abolition of the absolute monarchy after the 1932 revolution stimulated the government to increase educational provisions at all levels, particularly for training specialists in higher-learning institutions. Beginning in 1962, the nation’s series of five-year development plans assigned educational institutions a crucial role in manpower preparation. The government supervised all educational institutions, public and private. Financing education was primarily a government responsibility, supplemented by the private sector. Thai was the language of instruction at all levels, with English taught as a second language above grade four.

Cambodia

For nearly four centuries before the advent of the French in 1863, the educational system in Cambodia grew up around Theravada Buddhism, which became the established religion toward the end of 1430 under Thai influence. In 1887 Cambodia became a part of the French Indochina Union and did not achieve complete independence until 1954. Pagoda schools, imparting education at the primary level, were remodeled and integrated into the primary school system administered by the Ministry of Education.

Civil war throughout the 1970s disrupted education until Vietnamese forces overthrew the Khmer Rouge government in 1979. By the mid-1980s schools had reopened with a total enrollment of nearly two million throughout the four-year primary, three-year junior-secondary, and three-year senior-secondary structure. Secondary schools and the country’s few higher-education colleges were in a state of rebuilding. Much of the teacher-training was in the form of short courses, and nonformal adult literacy classes multiplied at a rapid pace.

Laos

The pagoda school was the main unit of the traditional educational system in Laos. Efforts toward modernization came in the wake of the country’s becoming a French protectorate in 1893 and finally after its inclusion in 1904 within the French Indochina Union. The medium of education was changed to French when the French Education Service was created.

In 1975, after 30 years of uninterrupted revolution, a socialist government was established and schooling was accorded high priority. Within a decade, more than three quarters of all children 7 to 11 years old were in the five-year primary school, about one half of children 12 to 14 years old were in the three-year junior-secondary school, and about one quarter of the 15- to 17-year-olds were in the three-year senior-secondary school.

Vietnam

Lengthy Chinese domination of Vietnam resulted in strong Confucian and Daoist influences on the Vietnamese educational system, though it centred on Buddhism. The establishment of French rule, commencing with the occupation of Saigon (now Ho Chi Minh City) in 1859, led to the gradual growth of a pattern of education similar to that of the rest of the former Indochina Union. Vietnamese attempts to develop education were thwarted by the continued fighting from World War II onward and, after the partition of the country in 1954, by fighting between the South and the North. After the war’s end in 1975, the communist government attempted to “reeducate” the conquered South and sought to establish urgently needed technical and vocational education in secondary and higher levels. By the next decade there were eight million pupils in elementary schools, four million in secondary schools, and more than 115,000 in higher-education institutions.

Muhammad Shamsul Huq R. Murray Thomas