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global city, an urban centre that enjoys significant competitive advantages and that serves as a hub within a globalized economic system. The term has its origins in research on cities carried out during the 1980s, which examined the common characteristics of the world’s most important cities. However, with increased attention being paid to processes of globalization during subsequent years, these world cities came to be known as global cities. Linked with globalization was the idea of spatial reorganization and the hypothesis that cities were becoming key loci within global networks of production, finance, and telecommunications. In some formulations of the global city thesis, then, such cities are seen as the building blocks of globalization. Simultaneously, these cities were becoming newly privileged sites of local politics within the context of a broader project to reconfigure state institutions.

Early research on global cities concentrated on key urban centres such as London, New York City, and Tokyo. With time, however, research has been completed on emerging global cities outside of this triad, such as Amsterdam, Frankfurt, Houston, Los Angeles, Mexico City, Paris, São Paulo, Sydney, and Zürich. Such cities are said to knit together to form a global city network serving the requirements of transnational capital across broad swathes of territory.

The rise of global cities has been linked with two globalization-related trends: first, the expansion of the role of transnational corporations (TNCs) in global production patterns and, second, the decline of mass production along Fordist lines and the concomitant rise of flexible production centred within urban areas. These two trends explain the emergence of networks of certain cities serving the financial and service requirements of TNCs while other cities suffer the consequences of deindustrialization and fail to become “global.” Global cities are those that therefore become effective command-and-coordination posts for TNCs within a globalizing world economy. Such cities have also assumed a governance role at the local scale and within wider configurations of what some commentators have termed the “glocalization” of state institutions. This refers to processes in which certain national state functions of organization and administration have been devolved to the local scale. An example of this would be London. Since the 1980s London has consolidated its position as a global banking and financial centre, de-linked from the national economy.

The global city thesis poses a challenge to state-centric perspectives on contemporary international political economy because it implies the disembedding of cities from their national territorial base, so that they occupy an extraterritorial space. Global cities, it is suggested, have more interconnectedness with other cities and across a transnational field of action than with the national economy. Global cities are also said to share many of the same characteristics because of their connectedness and shared experiences of globalization. They all exhibit clear signs of deindustrialization. They possess the concentration of financial and service industries within their spatial boundaries, as well as the concentration of large pools of labour. On the downside, many also share experiences of class and ethnic conflict. They often have segmented labour markets in which employees of key industries enjoy well-paid and consumerist lifestyles while a lower stratum of workers staffs less well-paid, more precarious, and less attractive positions within the urban economy. It has been further argued that the promotion of global cities runs the risk of economically marginalizing nonurban populations within the national economy.

Although global cities are interconnected, embedded as they are in global production and financial networks, they are also locked into competition with one another to command increasing resources and to attract capital. To successfully compete, local governments have been keen to promote their cities as global. Such cities have been marketed as “entrepreneurial” centres, sites of innovation in the knowledge economy, and as being rich with cultural capital. A common strategy has been to stress the multiethnic qualities of a city, for example. This is intended to stress its cosmopolitan and global character and to disassociate the city from its actual territorial, ethnic, or cultural setting. Such cities also regularly compete to host world events of considerable prestige that present further economic opportunities, such as the Olympic Games.

There has been some skepticism regarding the global city thesis in its simplest formulation. On a qualitative level, some scholars questioned whether global cities are indeed new phenomena and pointed to the long-standing existence of similar economic centres over time. One can think of Florence during the Renaissance, for example, or Manchester during the Industrial Revolution. Other commentators questioned whether the ascendance of global cities implies state decline along zero-sum lines. These skeptics argued that a more complex and interdependent relationship exists between the state and cities under its national jurisdiction. Indeed, national governments can play a proactive role in the promotion of key urban centres as global cities. Correspondingly, it is possible that global cities occupy the forefront position within a hierarchy of cities and local spaces that together constitute the national economy. Such a perspective would appear to transcend a dichotomizing view of global cities and the national state.

Greig Charnock
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urban planning, design and regulation of the uses of space that focus on the physical form, economic functions, and social impacts of the urban environment and on the location of different activities within it. Because urban planning draws upon engineering, architectural, and social and political concerns, it is variously a technical profession, an endeavour involving political will and public participation, and an academic discipline. Urban planning concerns itself with both the development of open land (“greenfields sites”) and the revitalization of existing parts of the city, thereby involving goal setting, data collection and analysis, forecasting, design, strategic thinking, and public consultation. Increasingly, the technology of geographic information systems (GIS) has been used to map the existing urban system and to project the consequences of changes. In the late 20th century the term sustainable development came to represent an ideal outcome in the sum of all planning goals. As advocated by the United Nations-sponsored World Commission on Environment and Development in Our Common Future (1987), sustainability refers to “development that meets the needs of the present without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs.” While there is widespread consensus on this general goal, most major planning decisions involve trade-offs between subsidiary objectives and thus frequently involve conflict.

The modern origins of urban planning lie in a social movement for urban reform that arose in the latter part of the 19th century as a reaction against the disorder of the industrial city. Many visionaries of the period sought an ideal city, yet practical considerations of adequate sanitation, movement of goods and people, and provision of amenities also drove the desire for planning. Contemporary planners seek to balance the conflicting demands of social equity, economic growth, environmental sensitivity, and aesthetic appeal. The result of the planning process may be a formal master plan for an entire city or metropolitan area, a neighbourhood plan, a project plan, or a set of policy alternatives. Successful implementation of a plan usually requires entrepreneurship and political astuteness on the part of planners and their sponsors, despite efforts to insulate planning from politics. While based in government, planning increasingly involves private-sector participation in “public-private partnerships.”

Urban planning emerged as a scholarly discipline in the 1900s. In Great Britain the first academic planning program began at the University of Liverpool in 1909, and the first North American program was established at Harvard University in 1924. It is primarily taught at the postgraduate level, and its curriculum varies widely from one university to another. Some programs maintain the traditional emphasis on physical design and land use; others, especially those that grant doctoral degrees, are oriented toward the social sciences. The discipline’s theoretical core, being somewhat amorphous, is better defined by the issues it addresses than by any dominant paradigm or prescriptive approach. Representative issues especially concern the recognition of a public interest and how it should be determined, the physical and social character of the ideal city, the possibility of achieving change in accordance with consciously determined goals, the extent to which consensus on goals is attainable through communication, the role of citizens versus public officials and private investors in shaping the city, and, on a methodological level, the appropriateness of quantitative analysis and the “rational model” of decision making (discussed below). Most degree programs in urban planning consist principally of applied courses on topics ranging from environmental policy to transportation planning to housing and community economic development.

The development of urban planning

Early history

Evidence of planning has been unearthed in the ruins of cities in China, India, Egypt, Asia Minor, the Mediterranean world, and South and Central America. Early examples of efforts toward planned urban development include orderly street systems that are rectilinear and sometimes radial; division of a city into specialized functional quarters; development of commanding central sites for palaces, temples, and civic buildings; and advanced systems of fortification, water supply, and drainage. Most of the evidence is in smaller cities that were built in comparatively short periods as colonies. Often the central cities of ancient states grew to substantial size before they achieved governments capable of imposing controls.

For several centuries during the Middle Ages, there was little building of cities in Europe. Eventually towns grew up as centres of church or feudal authority, of marketing or trade. As the urban population grew, the constriction caused by walls and fortifications led to overcrowding, the blocking out of air and light, and very poor sanitation. Certain quarters of the cities, either by custom or fiat, were restricted to different nationalities, classes, or trades, as still occurs in many contemporary cities of the developing world.

The physical form of medieval and Renaissance towns and cities followed the pattern of the village, spreading along a street or a crossroads in circular patterns or in irregular shapes, though rectangular patterns tended to characterize some of the newer towns. Most streets were little more than footpaths—more a medium for communication than for transportation—and even in major European cities paving was not widely introduced before the 12th century (1184 in Paris, 1235 in Florence, and 1300 in Lübeck). As the population of the city grew, walls were often expanded, but few cities at the time exceeded a mile in length. Sometimes sites were changed, as in Lübeck, and many new cities emerged with increasing population—frequently about one day’s walk apart. Towns ranged in population from several hundred to perhaps 40,000 (as in London in the late 14th century, although London’s population had been as high as 80,000 before the arrival of the Black Death). Paris and Venice were exceptions, reaching 100,000.

Conscious attempts to plan cities reemerged in Europe during the Renaissance. Although these efforts partly aimed at improving circulation and providing military defense, their prime objective was often the glorification of a ruler or a state. From the 16th century to the end of the 18th, many cities were laid out and built with monumental splendour. The result may have pleased and inspired the citizens, but it rarely contributed to their health, to the comfort of their homes, or to efficiency in manufacturing, distribution, and marketing.

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The New World absorbed the planning concepts of European absolutism to only a limited degree. Pierre L’Enfant’s grandiose plan for Washington, D.C. (1791), exemplified this transference, as did later City Beautiful projects, which aimed for grandeur in the siting of public buildings but exhibited less concern for the efficiency of residential, commercial, and industrial development. More influential on the layout of U.S. cities, however, was the rigid grid plan of Philadelphia, designed by William Penn (1682). This plan traveled west with the pioneers, since it was the simplest method of dividing surveyed territory. Although it took no cognizance of topography, it facilitated the development of land markets by establishing standard-sized lots that could be easily bought and sold—even sight unseen.

In much of the world, city plans were based on the concept of a centrally located public space. The plans differed, however, in their prescriptions for residential development. In the United States the New England town grew around a central commons; initially a pasture, it provided a focus of community life and a site for a meetinghouse, tavern, smithy, and shops and was later reproduced in the central squares of cities and towns throughout the country. Also from the New England town came the tradition of the freestanding single-family house that became the norm for most metropolitan areas. The central plaza, place, or square provided a focal point for European city plans as well. In contrast to American residential development, though, European domestic architecture was dominated by the attached house, while elsewhere in the world the marketplace or bazaar rather than an open space acted as the cynosure of cities. Courtyard-style domiciles characterized the Mediterranean region, while compounds of small houses fenced off from the street formed many African and Asian settlements. (See atrium.)

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