Messianic and millenarian myths
The hope of a new world surges up from time to time in many civilizations. Many such religious movements flourished in the 20th century in Melanesia, Africa, South America, and Siberia. Christian elements are usually detectable, but the basic element in virtually all cases is indigenous. These cults and movements center on prophetic leaders, often emphasize the return of the dead at the renewal to come, and are convinced of a catastrophic end of the present world. In many cases, the culture hero is expected to return and lead believers in battle against the evil forces. In the history of Judaism and Christianity, as in many early millenarian and messianic movements, there is an expectation of a new heaven and a new earth.
Myths of culture heroes and soteriological myths
A great many nonliterate traditions have myths about a culture hero (most notably, one who brings new techniques or technology to humankind—e.g., Prometheus, who supplies fire to humans in Greek mythology). A culture hero is generally not the person responsible for the creation but the one who completes the world and makes it fit for human life; in short, the culture hero creates culture. Another example of a culture hero is Maui in Polynesia, who brought islands to the surface from the bottom of the sea, captured and harnessed the sun, lifted the sky to allow human beings more room, and, like Prometheus, gave them fire.
The bringer of culture is often also the bringer of health. Thus, the culture hero of the Woodlands and Plains Indians in North America is at the same time related to the foundation of the medicine society. A comparable figure occurs in many traditions of Classical antiquity or the Mediterranean basin generally as the “good son”—e.g., Horus, the son of the god Osiris in Egypt, or the figure of the king in the Psalms. Health and (spiritual) salvation are synonymous, and this is implied in the Greek word sōtēr, which can mean both “savior” and “preserver from ill health.” Related to soteriological myths in many cases is the hope for a final and total salvation in which the “good” powers will triumph, such as through Saoshyant, the savior in Zoroastrianism. In fact, Zoroastrianism shared with the Judeo-Christian tradition the notion of a Last Judgment followed by the ultimate salvation of the world. According to Zoroastrian belief, as the end approached heroes from the past would come to life and help in the struggle of good against evil. Saviors, the Saoshyants, would work toward the triumph of virtue and the spreading of heavenly light over all creation.
Myths of time and eternity
The apparent regularity of the heavenly bodies long impressed every society. The sky was seized as the very image of transcendence, and what seemed to be the orderly course of sun, moon, and stars suggested a time that transcended that of humanity—in short, eternity. Many myths and mythological images concern themselves with the relationship between eternity and time on earth. The number four for the number of world ages figures most frequently. The Zoroastrians of ancient Persia knew of a complete world age of 12,000 years, divided into four periods of 3,000 each, at the end of which Ormazd (Wise Lord) would conquer Ahriman (Destructive Spirit). Similarly, the Book of Daniel (in the Bible) mentions four kingdoms—of gold, silver, bronze, and a mixture of iron and clay, respectively—after which God will establish an everlasting kingdom. The notion of four world ages, sometimes associated with metals, occurs also in the works of Classical writers and in later speculative writings on human history. Judaism developed the view of a 1,000-year period between the four world ages and the everlasting kingdom (hence the words millennium and millenarian). Although other numbers occur (three, six, seven, 12, and 72), four is dominant. In ancient Mexico this world was held to be preceded by four other worlds. India, in both Hindu and Buddhist texts, has developed the most complex system of world ages and worlds that arise and come to an end. Here, too, the number four is important—e.g., the four ages (yugas) of decreasing length and increasing evil. Many writings, often with large numbers, reflect exact astronomical observations and calculations. Some mythologies—e.g., those of the Maya in Central America—have developed sophisticated views interrelating time and space. Mythological accounts of repetitions of worlds after their destruction occur not only in India but also elsewhere, such as in Orphism and in the Stoic philosophy that flourished in Classical antiquity.
Myths of providence and destiny
In attitudes to the idea of a link between human activity and the stars, the most familiar example of which is probably astrology, there is a broad range of mythical motifs between astrological calculations (in the sense of an attempt at an intellectualized account of what is happening) and devotional self-surrender. There are many occasions at which humans may be filled with doubt about their fate or the fate of their communities. In some myths divine supremacy is marked by a god’s mastery over fate. Marduk, the patron god of Babylon, acquires the “tablets of fate” in his primordial battle preceding the creation. There is no doubt about Zeus’s supremacy in the Greek poet Hesiod’s genealogical account of the gods, yet in the works of Homer, Zeus is powerless to defy fate and save the life of his son Sarpedon. Mythological views of providence, destiny, or fate are given precise shades of meaning vis-à-vis dominant views in a tradition concerning justice and divine law, the philosophical problem of determinism, the theological problems of theodicy (justification of a good god with observable facts of evil), and predestination. An important difference in mythological accounts of providence exists between those traditions that speak of the creation of the world as a result of God’s will (as in Judaism, Christianity, and Islam) and those that attribute worldly phenomena to causation by a lesser being (as Buddhism does).
Myths of rebirth and renewal
Myths of archaic traditions generally imply a conception of the world, nature, and humanity in terms of cyclic time. According to Australian Aboriginal myth, human beings are reincarnated into profane life at the moment of birth. At their initiation they reenter sacred time, and through their burial ceremonies they return to their original “spirit” state. Similar beliefs are held by many peoples, and their myths are expressed in terms of cosmic cycles. Special myths are narrated in many places in preparation for initiation procedures. In agricultural societies, in addition to the themes of cosmic renewal, renewal through birth, and rebirth through initiation ceremonies at the attainment of manhood and womanhood, the theme of seasonal renewal is of great importance. The cyclic concept of time in all these traditions is present in many of the great religious and philosophical systems, such as Brahmanism (a Hindu system), Buddhism, and Platonism, and to some extent it is at variance with the idea of linear time typical of Judaism, Christianity, and Islam. But no culture, not even that of Jews, Christians, or Muslims, completely disregards the cyclic patterns of the seasons, work, festivities, or existence. Such patterns seem to be engraved on humanity’s perception of the world.
Myths of memory and forgetting
Some of the North American medicine men claim to remember their prenatal existence. Such memory, according to their mythology, is lost in ordinary people. Similar myths of memory and forgetting are related to the hierarchy that exists in all archaic societies. The fundamental knowledge of the world, transcending ordinary consciousness, is not equally attainable by everyone. Myths of memory can take the form of collective nostalgia. In South America the Yaruros, whose material existence was so simple that they lacked the skills of the agricultural and pastoral life, were one of the many peoples who in the face of modern Western cultural expansion gave up the struggle for their own social and cultural identity, becoming assimilated into a more complex society. As the Yaruros ceased to struggle for the preservation of their identity, they expressed a yearning to return to the Great Mother ruling the land of the dead and awaiting them in her paradise. Mythologies of memory and forgetting have a role in many traditions. They are of great significance in traditions where the idea of rebirth or reincarnation exists. Some people have claimed to remember previous existences, and a few (among them the Buddha) the very first. The veil of maya (“illusion”) in many Indian stories prevents a man from remembering his true origin and goal. In gnosticism there is talk of a similar forgetfulness, which must be resisted. In ancient Greek myth, Mnemosyne (Memory), the mother of the Muses, is said to know everything, past, present, and future. She is the Memory that is the basis of all life and creativity. Forgetting the true order and origin of things is often tantamount to death (as in the case of Lethe, the river of death in Greek mythology, which destroys memory). Anamnesis, “commemoration” or “recollection,” is one of the crucial parts of the Christian celebration of Holy Communion. Through the anamnesis, the Passion and death of the Lord is “applied” to the congregation. In philosophy, the imagery of forgetting and remembering occurs in the thought of Shankara, a medieval Indian philosopher, and of Plato in connection with the paramount calling of the thinker and the difficulty of living up to that calling.
Myths of high beings and celestial gods
Supreme celestial deities occur in many mythologies, with various qualities and attributes, in many shapes, and with great diversity in cultic significance. A cardinal distinction exists between the supreme being in many archaic or polytheistic traditions and the God of the great monotheistic systems (Judaism, Christianity, and Islam). Even though certain qualities seem alike in many cases (e.g., transcendence, omniscience), the God of the latter arose historically in a reaction to polytheistic views and practices and demonstrates his supremacy accordingly, whereas the more archaic types of supreme beings nowhere show that aggressive aspect in their mythologies. The exalted status of archaic supreme beings and celestial gods does not necessarily involve exclusion of other supreme beings. Outstanding examples are Vishnu, Shiva, and the great goddess in Hindu literature, who are each described as supreme yet do not reduce the “reality” of the others. “Supremacy” is not as unambiguous and general a term as it seems, and in Hinduism it refers first and foremost to the perfection (i.e., the idea that a deity is supremely perfect) of a deity in himself.
The sky seen as a sacred entity is an all but universal belief. It is often related to or identical with the highest divinity. Nevertheless, supreme beings are always more than what can be explained from celestial phenomena alone, for they are often called creators of the world, founders of the order of the world, and protectors of law; and they are praised for their eternity and goodness. Often, the supreme being that created the world does not—or has ceased to—receive attention in the cult, although he may still be invoked in moments of great crisis. In a good many ancient agricultural societies, the idea of a great goddess prevailed instead of a male creator-god. The great goddess (as in the ancient Middle East and India) is venerated principally because of her omnipotence, especially her power over life. The sky god-creator sometimes cedes to a divinity who is also related to the sky but apparently is experienced more concretely because of his activity. Such a divinity (especially in pastoral cultures) can be a god of atmospheric phenomena (storm, rain, thunder, or lightning), whose power for the good of the people is extolled. In spite of his power, however, he is one of several gods, and in some cases (Yahweh in ancient Israel and Allah in Islam) one such God retains the full creative function of early creator gods, and in him all “true” divinity is concentrated. In addition, a divinity related to the sun rather than the heavens can assume preeminence; this has happened in some ancient imperial traditions (e.g., Egypt, Inca empire). Among sky gods who remained important in the mythologies of ancient civilizations are Zeus in Greece, Jupiter in Rome, and Tian in China.
Myths concerning founders of religions and other religious figures
Although the founders of great religions (Confucius, Zoroaster, the Buddha, Moses, Jesus, Mani, Muhammad) are generally conceded to have had actual existence, information about them is couched in legendary terms that have many mythological features. The same is true of many other religious figures (prophets, saints, or gurus [Hindu spiritual teachers]). Those traditions that have preserved the memory of their founders have, as a rule, carefully emphasized the elements that function most mythologically, in the sense that they state categorically realities that could not be known in any ordinary fashion or that raise the founder above ordinary historical conditions. Examples are the account of Jesus’ prayer in Gethsemane, which no one heard according to the text itself, his statement that he was before Abraham, and his prophecies. Buddhist texts state that the Buddha not merely surpassed all yogis in knowledge of previous existences but, in fact, had conquered time. Well known too are his predictions concerning the course and decline of Buddhism and (in Mahayana texts) his promises as to the future spiritual attainments of the bodhisattvas. Other examples are Muhammad’s eschatological teachings in the Qurʾān and those of Zoroaster.
Myths of kings and ascetics
Genuine myths concerning kings are found only in traditions that know a form of sacred kingship. Temple records from ancient Babylon mention offerings to kings who were considered divine. Hymns addressed to them make references to the king’s union with a goddess—i.e., the mythological motif of the “sacred marriage.” One of the epithets for the king in ancient Egypt was “endowed with life” or “imparting life.” The twofold meaning of the epithet is significant and can serve to make the mythology of sacred kingship understandable in other places as well, because the function of the king is in fact double. He mediates between the divine world and the human world, representing each to the other. Hence, in Egypt a sacrifice by an individual was understood as offered to the king and at the same time by the king. The king’s role of mediator and protector brings royal mythologies close to myths of culture heroes. Solemn procedures in which kings become divinities occur relatively late in history. An early and most conspicuous case of such an apotheosis (becoming divine) is that of Alexander the Great, who was called a god in his lifetime. Later, apotheosis took place for Roman emperors, although there are no cases of an emperor being accorded divine honours in his lifetime. A great many legends have accumulated around the figures of kings (e.g., around King Ashoka of India and King Arthur in Britain). Stories about the Holy Roman emperor Frederick I Barbarossa and Charlemagne have a somewhat eschatological mythical flavor, because they are said to dwell each in his mountain (in the Kyffhäuser and the Untersberg, respectively) until they appear again to act as saviors in a crisis.
Most narratives about great ascetics, as well as other saints, could be regarded as legends rather than myths. There are, however, instances of saints or ascetics who are presented as a more than worldly model, so that a case can be made for the mythological function of their legends (e.g., al-Hallāj in Islam and St. Francis in Christianity). In the case of traditions that have asceticism as an integral part, certain figures and the legends around them do indeed function as exemplars.
Myths of transformation
Countless stories exist concerning the origin of peculiar rocks, properties of animals, plants, stars, or other features in the world. In addition to such etiologic tales there are several myths that speak of cosmic changes brought about at the end of primordial times. An altogether different and extensive mythology exists concerning initiation rites and other “rites of passage” that involve transformation of an individual’s being.
Cosmic transformation may concern an original world, without proper human means of existence and without death, that was transformed through a certain event (e.g., the death of Hainuwele, a type of primal being known as a dema, or ancestral, deity) into the world known to human beings, a truly inhabitable world with vegetation, animals, and other features that had not existed before.
On a wider scale are myths that could be appendages to cosmogonic myths but that have not turned into mere etiologies. Many myths akin to the type of the dema deity (like Hainuwele) and to the culture-hero type (like Prometheus) account for events—such as the invention of agriculture, domestication of animals, and the use of fire—that have transformed the world for the benefit of humankind. Many others are just as closely related to cosmogonic accounts but tell of “setbacks” in primordial times. In agricultural societies, for example, myths have been collected that ascribe the unevenness of land or the formation of mountains to an ancient mishap or evil force.
In rites of passage (e.g., rites accompanying birth, attainment of maturity, marriage, death) the contents of myths are acted out. In each case the intention behind the rites is that an individual’s mode of being be affected, indeed transformed. Through the birth ceremony the child “becomes” a person, and through initiation an adolescent “becomes” an adult, a member of a sodality, or a warrior. There is a great variety of customs in different communities and traditions, but everywhere these rites dramatize graphically the cosmic processes and realities expressed in language in myths. In many traditions the myths of the community are conveyed to the novice at the time of his initiation. Even in the major world religions rites of passage are still performed, as evidenced in such ceremonies as circumcision, Baptism, weddings, and mortuary rites. In all instances, the rites derive their meaning from the core of the tradition, and for that reason human existence is regarded as transformed. In some cases the transformation derived from the dominant myth is far-reaching. The initiated shaman is able to transcend the ordinary human condition and overcome dangers that would cause the death of a noninitiate. Through his initiation he is believed to have gone through death and thus conquered it. In certain Hermetic (an occult magical tradition) and gnostic texts the certainty of attaining divine being is clearly expressed.
Myth in modern society
Secularization of myth and mythology
Deciding the extent to which there has actually been any secularization of myth involves a problem of definition. If myth is seen as the product of a past era, it is difficult to determine at what actual moment that era ended. Thus, it is virtually impossible to state precisely when a certain mythical theme becomes a mere literary theme or to determine in general when myths are no longer being created. It is more fruitful to recognize that symbols, myths, and rituals are all subject to change over time. Nor is secularization an irreversible process. It is instead a process that takes place time and again. Secularization movements and movements toward “mythification” of a phenomenon, narrative, or idea are aspects of the same historical processes. There have also been many types of secularization; the one brought about in Western society since the Middle Ages is only a single example. Another instance was the development in Archaic and Classical Greece (sometimes referred to—with great oversimplification—as a movement “from myth to reason”) whereby fundamental questions about the nature of the universe came increasingly to receive answers in terms of philosophical, as opposed to mythical, reasoning.
On the other hand, although the secularization of modern times is not a unique phenomenon, it is a new and complex type, to which many factors have contributed. Scientific, particularly astronomical, discoveries of the late medieval and Renaissance periods were accompanied by a new trust in cosmic laws and an increasingly abstract notion of God. More or less Euhemeristic historical accounts that were common in the Middle Ages and were a symptom of a certain secularization process themselves gave way to history writing, focusing on psychological, social, and economic facts. In philosophy, naturalism of various sorts opposed notions of transcendence that earlier systems had taken for granted. The most common tendency in modern society has been to regard the characters and events in mythical accounts as not real or as by-products of realities that are not transcendent but rather immanent.
This secularization in modern society, like earlier secularization processes, is accompanied by a process whereby new myths are formed (see below Political and social uses of myth).
Demythologization of major religious traditions
Demythologization should be distinguished from secularization. Every living mythology must come to terms with the world in which it is transmitted and to that extent inevitably goes through processes of secularization. Demythologization, however, refers to the conscious efforts people make to purify a religious tradition of its mythological elements. The term demythologization (Entmytho-logisierung) was coined by Rudolf Bultmann, a German theologian and New Testament scholar. In the strict sense of the word, demythologizing efforts were limited to theological discussions in 20th-century Christianity.
Even after secularization has taken place, a certain mythological residue may persist. Edward B. Tylor, one of the founders of anthropology as an academic discipline in the 19th century, coined the use of the word survival for customs and beliefs that continued to be adhered to long after the context in which they had had their meaning had ceased to exist. Because such customs and beliefs may be regarded as mere superstitions, the word survival usually has a slightly derogatory overtone. There are many survivals of myth in this sense. The myth of “the noble savage,” well known from the 18th-century writer Jean-Jacques Rousseau, can be understood as a survival of a paradisiacal mythology: Western man expecting to find evidence of paradise on earth.
The secularization process in modern times has affected symbolic behavior (cult, ritual, liturgy) and symbolic objects (sacred places) more than myth, however. Nevertheless, commonly accepted forms of mythology in modern society do not permeate all parts of society or fulfill all needs. (In all likelihood, no society has ever been perfectly homogeneous in its myths.) At the same time there exist profound mythological needs in modern society, and some are filled by myths borrowed from submerged or alien traditions. Modern society’s neglect of cosmic symbolism (which in contrast was widespread in archaic tradition) has provoked certain reactions, such as the continuing interest in astrology, which may even be seen as an attempt to present a coherent account of the cosmos. And the huge scientific advances of the 20th century gave rise to a literature, science fiction, that resembles myth, even down to an eschatological element.
Political and social uses of myth
In the industrialized Western society of the 20th century, myths and related types of tales continued to be told. Urban folklorists collected stories that have much in common with the tales collected by the Grimm brothers, except that in the modern narratives the lone traveler is likely to be threatened not by a werewolf but by a phantom hitchhiker, and the location of the danger may be a freeway rather than a forest. Computer games use sophisticated technology to represent quests involving dragons to be slain and princesses to be saved and married. The myth of Superman, the superhuman hero who saves the world and preserves “the American way,” is a notable image embodying modern Americans’ confidence in the moral values that their culture espouses. Not dissimilar are myths about the early pioneers in the American Wild West, as retold in countless motion pictures. Such stories often reinforce stereotypical attitudes about the supposed moral superiority of the settlers to Native Americans, although sometimes such attitudes are called into question in other movies that attempt to demythologize the Wild West.
A particular illustration of the power that myths continued to exert was provided as late as the 1940s by the belief in the existence of an Aryan racial group, separate from and superior to the Semitic group. This myth was based in part on the assumption that peoples whose languages are related are also related racially. The fact that this assumption is spurious did not prevent the Aryan myth from gaining wide acceptance in Europe from the 18th century onward, and it was eventually to provide a supposed intellectual justification for the persecution of the Semitic Jews by their Aryan Germanic “superiors” during the period of Nazi domination. This episode suggests that in politics a myth will take hold if it serves the interests and focuses the aspirations of a particular group; the truth or falsity of the myth is irrelevant. In a sense, of course, this function is merely an extension of its more general role in religion, where a myth, as well as addressing questions such as a society’s place in the cosmos, may serve to justify a particular kind of governmental organization.
Although politics is often regarded as having taken over the role once played by religion or myth in Western society, the situation is more complex than such a generalization would imply. Just as myth has always had a strong social and political element, so political movements and theories have mythical dimensions. For instance, a mythological component has always been important in keeping political units together, from villages to nations. This mythical dimension gained prominence with the rise of competing mythlike ideologies such as capitalism and communism; the word ideology might indeed be replaced, in much contemporary discussion about politics, by the term mythology. Finally, crucial terms in modern sociopolitical discussion, such as freedom and equality, although they have a long and complex philosophical history, are often posited in a manner analogous to the function of myth presenting its own authority.
Kees W. Bolle Richard G.A. Buxton