Eastern influences

Especially in its originative stage, the Greek epic may have been strongly influenced by these Asian traditions. The Greek world in the late Bronze Age was related to the Middle East by so many close ties that it formed an integral part of the Levant. At Ugarit a large quarter of the city was occupied by Greek merchants, whose presence is also attested, among other places, at the gate of Mesopotamia, at Alalakh, in what is now Turkey. Thus, it is no surprise that, for example, the Greek myth about the succession of the divine kingship told in the Theogony of Hesiod and elsewhere is paralleled in a Hittite version of a Hurrian myth. In it, Anu, Kumarbi, and the storm god respectively, parallel Uranus, Cronos, and Zeus in the Theogony. The Hittites had continuous diplomatic relations with the Achaeans of Greece, whose princes went to the royal court at Hattusa to perfect their skill with the chariot. The Greeks, therefore, had ample opportunity to become familiar with Hittite myths.

The Epic of Gilgamesh was then well-known in the Levant, as is indicated by discoveries of copies of it throughout this wide area. The Odyssey has many parallels with the Epic of Gilgamesh; the encounters of Odysseus with Circe and Calypso on their mythical isles, for instance, closely resemble the visit by Gilgamesh to a divine woman named Siduri, who keeps an inn in a marvellous garden of the sun god near the shores of ocean. Like the two Greek goddesses, Siduri tries to dissuade Gilgamesh from the pursuit of his journey by representing the pleasures of life, but the firm resolution of the hero obliges her finally to help him cross the waters of death. In the Iliad, Patroclus, who dies as a substitute for his king and dearest friend, Achilles, and then gives Achilles a description of the miserable condition of man after his death, bears striking similarities to the friend of Gilgamesh, Enkidu.

The heroic life

If these are indeed borrowings, it is all the more remarkable that they are used in Homer to express a view of life and a heroic temper radically different from those of the Sumerian epic of Mesopotamia. Gilgamesh persists in his quest of immortality even when Siduri shows him the vanity of such an ambition, but Odysseus shuns a goddess’s offer of everlasting life, preferring to bear his human condition to the end. The loss of a beloved friend does not make Achilles seek desperately to escape from death; instead he rushes into combat to revenge Patroclus, although he knows that he is condemning himself to an early death, and that the existence of a king in Hades will be incomparably less enviable than that of a slave on earth. The Mesopotamian mind never tires of expressing deep human regret at mortality through stories about ancient heroes who, despite their superhuman strength and wisdom, and their intimacy with gods, failed to escape from death. A decisively different idea, however, is fundamental to the Greek heroic view of life. It has been demonstrated that the Greek view is derived from an Indo-European notion of justice—that each being has a fate (moira) assigned to him and marked clearly by boundaries that should never be crossed. Human energy and courage should, accordingly, be spent not in exceeding the proper limits of the human condition but in bearing it with style, pride, and dignity, gaining as much fame possible within the boundaries of individual moira. If induced by Folly (Ate, personified as a goddess of mischief) to commit an excess (hybris) with regard to his moira, a man will be punished without fail by the divine vengeance personified as Nemesis.

At the beginning of the Iliad, a plague decimates the Achaean army because its commander in chief, Agamemnon, refuses to return a captive, Chryseis, to her father, a priest of Apollo who offers a generous ransom. By unjustly insulting Achilles, Agamemnon commits another excess that causes the defeat of his army. Achilles, in the meantime, lets Ate take possession of his mind and refuses, to the point of excess, to resume his fight. He thus brings about a great misfortune, the loss of Patroclus, his dearest companion. Patroclus, however, also contributes to his own death by his hybris in pushing his triumph too far, ignoring Achilles’ order to come back as soon as he has repulsed the enemy far from the Greek ships. The death of Hector also results from his hybris in rejecting the counsel of Polydamas and maintaining his army on the plain after the return of Achilles to combat. After so many disasters caused by the mischievous action of Ate among men, the last book of the Iliad presents a noble picture of Priam and Achilles, who submit piously to the orders of Zeus, enduring with admirable courage and moderation their respective fates.

On the other hand, at the beginning of the Odyssey, Zeus evokes the ruin that Aegisthus will have to suffer for having acted “beyond his due share” by marrying Clytemnestra and murdering Agamemnon. This sets an antithesis to the story of the wise Odysseus, who, to accomplish his destiny as a mortal hero, never changes his purpose trying always to make the best of his countless misfortunes. He earns by this the favour of Athena and succeeds eventually in regaining Ithaca and punishing the wooers of Penelope for their hybris during his long absence. Present scholarship inclines to the view that such admirably well-structured poems as the Iliad and the Odyssey were probably shaped by an epic poet named Homer. This position contrasts with the extreme skepticism that marked all phases of Homeric criticism during the previous century. Yet the personality of Homer remains unknown and nothing certain is known about his life.

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Famous Poets and Poetic Form

In comparison, information derived from his own works is fairly plentiful about the other great epic poet of Greece, Hesiod. He produced them presumably about 700 bce, while tilling a farm in Askra, a small village of Boeotia. The social and geographical background of his poems, called didactic because of their occasionally moral and instructive tone, differs from the aristocratic society of Ionian Asia Minor that Homer addressed. Despite their different style, subjects, and view of life, however, Hesiod’s Theogony and the Works and Days illustrate the same basic conception of justice as the Homeric epic. The Theogony describes a long sequence of primordial events that resulted in the present world order, in which man’s inescapable lot is assigned by Zeus. The Works and Days explains, through a series of three myths, why the human lot is to work hard to produce riches. One must shut one’s ears to the goddess who causes wars and lawsuits, listening only to the goddess who urges hard work in pursuit of riches. Pain and suffering have become unavoidable since Pandora—at Prometheus’s house and in conformity with the will of Zeus—opened the fatal jar containing all the ills of humankind. Moreover, the age of the race of iron has arrived when the fate of human beings is not to pass their lives in perpetual banquets or warfare, as did the preceding races, but to suffer constantly the fatigue and misery of labour. As long as the goddesses Aidos (a personification of the sense of shame) and Nemesis (a personification of divine retribution) stay with humankind, however, helping people observe their moira without committing excesses, one can still gain riches, merits, and glory by the sweat of one’s brow. Only if one knows how to avoid all faults in daily work will one avoid offending Justice (Dikē), the sensitive virgin daughter of Zeus. This is why it is so vitally important for a farmer to know all the rules listed in the rest of the poem about seemingly trivial details of his work.