The first tragedian worthy of the tradition of the Greeks was Christopher Marlowe. Of Marlowe’s tragedies, Tamburlaine (1587), Doctor Faustus (c. 1588), The Jew of Malta (1589), and Edward II (c. 1593), the first two are the most famous and most significant. In Tamburlaine, the material was highly melodramatic; the historical figure’s popular image was that of the most ruthless and bloody of conquerors. In a verse prologue, when Marlowe invites the audience to “View but his [Tamburlaine’s] picture in this tragic glass,” he had in mind little more, perhaps, than the trappings and tone of tragedy: “the stately tent of war,” which is to be his scene, and “the high astounding terms,” which will be his rhetoric. But he brought such imaginative vigour and sensitivity to bear that melodrama is transcended, in terms reminiscent of high tragedy. Tamburlaine, a Scythian shepherd of the 14th century, becomes the spokesman, curiously enough, for the new world of the Renaissance—iconoclastic, independent, stridently ambitious. Just as the Greek tragedians challenged tradition, Tamburlaine shouts defiance at all the norms, religious and moral, that Marlowe’s generation inherited. But Tamburlaine, although he is an iconoclast, is also a poet. No one before him on the English stage had talked with such magnificent lyric power as he does, whether it be on the glories of conquest or on the beauties of Zenocrate, his beloved. When, still unconquered by any enemy, he sickens and dies, he leaves the feeling that something great, however ruthless, has gone. Here once again is the ambiguity that was so much a part of the Greek tragic imagination—the combination of awe, pity, and fear that Aristotle defined.

In Doctor Faustus the sense of conflict between the tradition and the new Renaissance individualism is much greater. The claims of revealed Christianity are presented in the orthodox spirit of the morality and mystery plays, but Faustus’s yearnings for power over space and time are also presented with a sympathy that cannot be denied. Here is modern man, tragic modern man, torn between the faith of tradition and faith in himself. Faustus takes the risk in the end and is bundled off to hell in true mystery-play fashion. But the final scene does not convey that justice has been done, even though Faustus admits that his fate is just. Rather, the scene suggests that the transcendent human individual has been caught in the consequences of a dilemma that he might have avoided but that no imaginative man could have avoided. The sense of the interplay of fate and freedom is not unlike that of Oedipus. The sense of tragic ambiguity is more poignant in Faustus than in Oedipus or Tamburlaine because Faustus is far more introspective than either of the other heroes. The conflict is inner; the battle is for Faustus’s soul, a kind of conflict that neither the Greeks nor Tamburlaine had to contend with. For this reason, and not because it advocates Christian doctrine, the play has been called the first Christian tragedy.

Shakespearean tragedy

Shakespeare was a long time coming to his tragic phase, the six or seven years that produced his five greatest tragedies—Hamlet (written c. 1599–1601), Othello (written c. 1603–04), King Lear (c. 1605–06), Macbeth (c. 1606–07), and Antony and Cleopatra (c. 1606–07). These were not the only plays written during those years. Troilus and Cressida (1601–02) may have come about the same time as or shortly after Hamlet, All’s Well That Ends Well (1601–05) shortly before or after Othello, and Measure for Measure (1603–04) shortly before King Lear. But the concentration of tragedies is sufficient to distinguish this period from that of the comedies and history plays before and that of the so-called romances afterward. Although the tragic period cannot entirely be accounted for in terms of biography, social history, or current stage fashions, all of which have been adduced as causes, certain questions should be answered, at least tentatively: What is Shakespeare’s major tragic theme and method? How do they relate to Classical, medieval, and Renaissance traditions? In attempting to answer these questions, this proviso must be kept in mind: the degree to which he was consciously working in these traditions, consciously shaping his plays on early models, adapting Greek and Roman themes to his own purpose, or following the precepts of Aristotle must always remain conjectural. On the one hand, there is the comment by Ben Jonson that Shakespeare had “small Latin and less Greek,” and John Milton in “L’Allegro” speaks of him as “fancy’s child” warbling “his native wood-notes wild,” as if he were unique, a sport of nature. On the other hand, Shakespeare knew Jonson (who knew a great deal of Latin and Greek) and is said to have acted in Jonson’s Sejanus in 1603, a very Classical play, published in 1605 with a learned essay on Aristotle as preface. It can be assumed that Shakespeare knew the tradition. Certainly the Elizabethan theatre could not have existed without the Greek and Roman prototype. For all of its mixed nature—with comic and melodramatic elements jostling the tragic—the Elizabethan theatre retained some of the high concern, the sense of involvement, and even the ceremonial atmosphere of the Greek theatre. When tragedies were performed, the stage was draped in black. Modern studies have shown that the Elizabethan theatre retained many ties with both the Middle Ages and the tradition of the Greeks.

From comedy to tragedy

Shakespeare’s earliest and most lighthearted plays reveal a sense of the individual, his innerness, his reality, his difference from every other individual, and, at times, his plight. Certain stock characters, to be sure, appear in the early comedies. Even Falstaff, that triumphant individual, has a prototype in the braggadocio of Roman comedy, and even Falstaff has his tragic side. As Shakespeare’s art developed, his concern for the plight or predicament or dilemma seems to have grown. His earliest history plays, for instance (Henry VI, Parts 1, 2, and 3), are little more than chronicles of the great pageant figures—kingship in all its colour and potency. Richard III (1592–94), which follows them, focuses with an intensity traditionally reserved for the tragic hero on one man and on the sinister forces, within and without, that bring him to destruction. From kingship, that is, Shakespeare turned to the king, the symbolic individual, the focal man, to whom whole societies look for their values and meanings. Thus Richard III is almost wholly sinister, though there exists a fascination about him, an all but tragic ambiguity.

Although Shakespeare’s developing sense of the tragic cannot be summed up adequately in any formula, one might hazard the following: he progressed from the individual of the early comedies; to the burdened individual, such as, in Henry IV, Prince Hal, the future Henry V, who manipulates, rather than suffers, the tragic ambiguities of the world; and, finally, in the great tragedies, to (in one critic’s phrase) the overburdened individual, Lear being generally regarded as the greatest example. In these last plays, man is at the limits of his sovereignty as a human being, where everything that he has lived by, stood for, or loved is put to the test. Like Prometheus on the crag, or Oedipus as he learns who he is, or Medea deserted by Jason, the Shakespearean tragic heroes are at the extremities of their natures. Hamlet and Macbeth are thrust to the very edge of sanity; Lear and, momentarily, Othello are thrust beyond it. In every case, as in the Greek plays, the destructive forces seem to combine inner inadequacies or evils, such as Lear’s temper or Macbeth’s ambition, with external pressures, such as Lear’s “tiger daughters,” the witches in Macbeth, or Lady Macbeth’s importunity. Once the destructive course is set going, these forces operate with the relentlessness the Greeks called Moira, or Fate.