In January 2017 Trump made good on his promise to place conservative justices on the Supreme Court by nominating Neil Gorsuch, a judge of the Court of Appeals for the Tenth Circuit, to fill the seat that had become vacant with the death in February 2016 of Antonin Scalia. Although Obama had put forward Merrick Garland, a judicial moderate, as Scalia’s replacement in March 2016, the majority leader of the Senate, Republican Mitch McConnell, refused to schedule a vote or even to hold hearings on Garland’s nomination, declaring that the Senate should not consider any Supreme Court nominee during an election year. McConnell’s gamble that a Republican would win the presidency and nominate a more conservative justice proved successful. Gorsuch was confirmed by the Senate in April after Senate Republicans overcame a Democratic filibuster by removing the traditional 60-vote minimum needed for cloture (ending debate and proceeding to a vote).

In July 2018 Trump nominated another conservative appellate court judge, Brett Kavanaugh of the District of Columbia Circuit, to replace retiring Supreme Court Justice Anthony Kennedy. In hearings before the Senate Judiciary Committee in September, Christine Blasey Ford, an academic psychologist, testified that Kavanaugh had sexually molested her when the two were underage teens in Maryland and that he was “stumbling drunk” during the assault. Kavanaugh was also accused of a separate act of sexual assault by a former classmate at Yale University, Deborah Ramirez. A third accuser, Julie Swetnick, declared in a sworn statement that Kavanaugh had attended parties at which gang rapes took place. In his own testimony, Kavanaugh angrily denied the allegations, insisting that they were the product of a conspiracy by Democrats to exact revenge on behalf of “the Clintons” for Kavanaugh’s role as a member of the legal team of independent counsel Kenneth Starr during the latter’s investigation in the 1990s of U.S. Pres. Bill Clinton’s affair with White House intern Monica Lewinsky. A subsequent supplemental investigation by the FBI, ordered by Trump, was severely limited in duration and scope: Kavanaugh, Ford, and Swetnick were not interviewed; dozens of witnesses recommended to the FBI by Ford and Ramirez were not contacted; and repeated offers of corroborating evidence by numerous other persons were not acted upon. After the Republican chair of the Judiciary Committee declared that the FBI’s confidential report had found “no corroboration” of the allegations, Kavanaugh was narrowly confirmed by the Senate in October.

Ford’s emotionally compelling testimony—and the belief among many women of both political parties that she had been treated unfairly—galvanized the Me Too movement of survivors of sexual assault and reinforced perceptions of the Republican Party and the Trump administration as being insensitive to women’s concerns. Meanwhile, Trump defended Kavanaugh as a victim of persecution and contended that the Me Too movement had created a dangerous climate for men.

In September 2020, eight days after the death of Associate Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg, Trump announced his nomination of judge Amy Coney Barrett, whom he had appointed to the Court of Appeals for the Seventh Circuit only two years earlier, as Ginsburg’s replacement. Notwithstanding the fact that 2020 was an election year, Senate Republicans declared their intention to confirm Barrett quickly. After Judiciary Committee hearings and Senate debate that Democrats criticized as improperly rushed, Barrett was confirmed by the full Senate on October 26, exactly one month after her nomination and only eight days before the presidential election. An extremely conservative judge, Barrett was expected to move the ideological center of the Supreme Court even farther to the right than it had been under the Court’s previous 5–4 conservative majorities and to make conservative rulings from the Court more likely for many years to come.

Trump also successfully appointed a record number of district and appellate court judges, having inherited more than 100 federal bench vacancies resulting from the refusal of Senate Republicans to confirm most of Obama’s judicial nominees during the last two years of his presidency. Trump’s judicial appointments, almost all of whom were drawn from recommendations by the conservative Federalist Society, were mostly white and male; they were also generally young (less than 50 years old), ensuring that they would serve for several years or even decades. Their usually quick confirmations on party-line votes helped to further the Republican Party’s long-standing project of transforming the federal judiciary, particularly at the appellate level, into a conservative bulwark against liberal legal initiatives and policy making. By the end of Trump’s single presidential term in January 2021, nearly 30 percent of all federal judges were Trump appointees.

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Cabinet appointments

Trump took an unusually long time to assemble his cabinet, in part because many of his early nominations to positions requiring Senate confirmation were filibustered by Democrats. His cabinet was also unusual in that its members were the least diverse in decades and the richest by far in U.S. history. Several of Trump’s cabinet-level appointments were closely associated with the firms or industries that their agencies were charged with overseeing or were well known for having opposed their agencies’ basic missions in the past. Trump’s cabinet and high-level executive staff were also distinguished by their relatively high rate of turnover and eventually by the fact that several cabinet-level officials served at various times only in acting capacities, not having been confirmed by the Senate.

Particularly controversial among the original members of Trump’s cabinet were Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) administrator Scott Pruitt, who as Oklahoma attorney general had spent much of his career suing the agency on behalf of the oil and gas industry; and Secretary of Education Betsy DeVos, who had frequently expressed contempt for public education while promoting and financially supporting school voucher legislation and charter and private schools. Steve Bannon, the former head of Breitbart News, a far-right publishing platform, was appointed chief strategist but left the administration after seven months in August 2017. Trump also gave his son-in-law, Jared Kushner, and his daughter Ivanka Trump prominent (though unpaid) roles as senior adviser to the president and assistant to the president, respectively.

During his administration, several of Trump’s cabinet members were accused of ethics violations and other malfeasance, including breaches of travel regulations and anti-lobbying laws, inappropriate use of their agencies’ resources, perjury, and contempt of Congress for failure to respond to lawful subpoenas by congressional committees (see below Russia investigation and Ukraine scandal). In September 2017 Tom Price resigned as secretary of health and human services after news reports revealed that he had spent some $400,000 on luxury chartered aircraft for trips to Europe and within the United States. Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin, Interior Secretary Ryan Zinke, and Veterans Affairs Secretary David Shulkin were also criticized for inappropriate use of chartered or military aircraft, leading to Shulkin’s firing in March 2018. Zinke, who faced several federal investigations of his conduct as interior secretary, including one that was referred to the Justice Department, resigned under pressure in December 2018. Earlier that year Ben Carson, the secretary of housing and urban development, was investigated by a House oversight committee for having spent an inordinate sum on furniture for his government office. In July Pruitt was forced to resign after a long series of scandals concerning questionable spending, the use of EPA employees as personal assistants, inappropriate gifts from lobbyists, and the use of undisclosed email addresses for official EPA business. Although he did not resign as a result, Secretary of Commerce Wilbur Ross was heavily criticized (but faced no criminal charges) for apparently lying to Congress when he told the House Ways and Means Committee and the Senate Appropriations Committee in March 2018 that his decision to add a citizenship question to the 2020 decennial census was made at the request of the Justice Department to help it better enforce the 1965 Voting Rights Act—a rationale that the Supreme Court later found to be “contrived.” (See Department of Commerce v. New York.) In April–May 2019 Mnuchin declined to act on a request by the House Ways and Means Committee for six years of Trump’s business and personal tax returns (see below Other investigations); in so doing, he appeared to flout a 1924 federal law (26 U.S. Code §6103) that requires the secretary of the Treasury to provide individual tax returns and related tax information upon request to select committees of Congress.