Emmanuel Macron
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Emmanuel Macron (born December 21, 1977, Amiens, France) is a French banker and politician who was elected president of France in 2017. Macron was the first person in the history of the Fifth Republic to win the presidency without the backing of either the Socialists or the Gaullists, and he was France’s youngest head of state since Napoleon I. He was reelected in 2022, becoming the first French president in two decades to win a second term.
Early life and start in politics
Macron is the eldest of three siblings born to a family of doctors who held politically liberal views. He attended a private lycée (secondary school) in Amiens, where he proved to be an exceptionally gifted student. While there he began a long-term relationship with his drama teacher, Brigitte Trogneux, and the two were later married (2007). Macron completed his baccalauréat at the prestigious Lycée Henri-IV in Paris before studying international policy and public service at the grande école Sciences Po. During this time he also served as an editorial assistant for philosopher and historian Paul Ricoeur. In 2001 Macron received a master’s degree in public policy from Sciences Po as well as a master’s degree in philosophy from Paris Nanterre University. In 2004 he graduated near the top of his class from the prestigious École Nationale d’Administration (ENA), a school that had attained a reputation as a fast track to political power. The French presidents Valéry Giscard d’Estaing, Jacques Chirac, and François Hollande were all ENA alumni.
Macron began his public service career in 2004 as a finance inspector for the French Ministry of Economy and Finance. Four years later he bought out his government contract for €50,000 (approximately $70,000) to enter the private sector, a move that friends warned would jeopardize any future political ambitions. In September 2008 he joined Rothschild & Cie Banque, the French division of the international Rothschild financial group, as an investment banker. Macron advanced quickly at the company, and in 2012 he brokered Nestlé’s blockbuster $12 billion acquisition of Pfizer’s baby food division. Macron reportedly earned €2.9 million (about $3.8 million) for his role in the deal. While still at Rothschild, Macron began working with Hollande as the latter campaigned for the Socialist Party’s nomination for president ahead of the 2012 election.
After Hollande won the presidency, Macron joined his administration as a deputy chief of staff and an economic adviser. Macron became the face of France at international summits, and in 2014 he was elevated to finance minister. He promoted a package of reforms known as the loi Macron (“Macron law”) in an effort to spark the moribund French economy, but the legislation triggered a revolt from the left wing of the Socialist Party. In February 2015 Prime Minister Manuel Valls was forced to invoke Article 49 of the French constitution, a rarely used measure that allows a bill to pass without the consent of parliament on the condition that the government is then subjected to a vote of confidence. Valls easily survived that vote, and the loi Macron was enacted. As a result, restrictions on conducting business on Sundays were loosened and some professions were deregulated, but the labor market was largely untouched, and France’s 35-hour workweek remained intact. The loi Macron amounted to a relatively modest reform package for a country grappling with persistently high unemployment and slow growth, but it nevertheless sparked a fierce backlash from both the left and the right.
Rise to the presidency
Hollande’s approval rating plummeted as a result of France’s anemic economic performance and Europe’s ongoing migrant crisis; both of these factors would fuel the rise of Marine Le Pen and her nationalist anti-immigrant party, the National Front (now National Rally). Macron began to distance himself from Hollande, even while still serving in his administration, but deadly terrorist attacks in Paris in November 2015 caused him to delay his break with the Socialist government. In April 2016 Macron announced the creation of En Marche! (“Forward!”), a popular movement that he characterized as a “democratic revolution” against a sclerotic political system. Echoing the third-way paradigm that had been promoted by Pres. Bill Clinton in the United States and Prime Minister Tony Blair in Britain, Macron proposed a center-left fusion of populism and neoliberalism. Observers noted that the timing of the announcement—slightly more than a year ahead of the 2017 presidential election—strongly hinted at an outsider bid for the Élysée Palace.
Macron’s relationship with Hollande became increasingly strained following the launch of En Marche!, but this was hardly a liability given the president’s single-digit public approval numbers. On August 30, 2016, Macron submitted his resignation, and on November 16 he formally declared his candidacy for president. The campaign took a turn in Macron’s favor later that month, when the Republicans elected former prime minister François Fillon as their party’s nominee. Fillon topped former president Nicolas Sarkozy and former prime minister Alain Juppé in the intraparty contest. Fillon had been marked as the likely front-runner in the presidential race, but his campaign imploded amid accusations that he had created fake jobs for members of his family and had improperly accepted tens of thousands of euros in gifts.
Hollande, perceiving no realistic path to a second term, announced in December 2016 that he would not seek reelection. Valls resigned as prime minister and declared his candidacy, but the Socialists selected Benoît Hamon, a political outsider from the party’s far left wing, as their nominee. Valls and Juppé, representing their parties’ moderate factions, subsequently declared their support for Macron, a significant coup for a candidate who did not have major party backing. Historically low support for France’s two major parties opened the door for independent candidates, and the race effectively became a three-way contest between Macron, Le Pen, and Jean-Luc Mélenchon, a former Socialist who had run for president in 2012 with the support of the French Communist Party. While Le Pen drew from the far right and Mélenchon from the far left, Macron’s centrist antiestablishment message found support from a broad cross section of the populace. Notably, Macron was also the only prominent pro-European Union candidate in a race that carried a strong undercurrent of Euroskepticism.
When French voters went to the polls for the first round of the presidential election on April 23, 2017, Macron topped a field of 11 candidates, capturing 24 percent of the vote. Le Pen was second with 21 percent, guaranteeing her a spot in the second round to be held two weeks later. Fillon and Mélenchon finished in a virtual dead heat for third, each claiming about 20 percent, while Hamon was a distant fifth with just over 6 percent. For the first time in the history of the Fifth Republic, neither of France’s two main parties were represented in the runoff. Just days before that event, hackers uploaded tens of thousands of internal Macron campaign communications to the Internet in an apparent attempt to influence the election. The attack was attributed to the same Russian-backed group that targeted the Democratic Party during the 2016 U.S. presidential election, but the effect of the so-called “MacronLeaks” information dump was negligible, owing at least in part to French media laws banning campaign coverage in the hours prior to an election.
In the second round, held on May 7, 2017, Macron won a convincing two-thirds of the vote, becoming, at age 39, France’s youngest president. Voters still found ways to voice their dissatisfaction with both Macron and Le Pen, however. Roughly one-fourth of French voters abstained entirely—the highest rate of electorate nonparticipation in nearly a half century—while more than four million voters cast intentionally blank or spoiled ballots. Macron’s victory was welcomed outside of France; indeed, the euro soared to a six-month high upon the news. With no existing party structure, Macron’s first challenge as president would be to secure a working majority in the French parliament.
Macron’s first term
When legislative elections were held in June, En Marche! delivered a convincing victory, winning 308 of 577 seats in the National Assembly. With additional support from François Bayrou’s Democratic Movement (MoDem), Macron’s coalition commanded a total of 350 seats. Although the result marked a stunning performance for a party that was just 14 months old, turnout was just 42.6 percent, the lowest rate of voter participation in a parliamentary election in modern French history.
Macron quickly became a presence on the world stage: as Britain struggled to complete the Brexit process and Germany’s Angela Merkel began inching toward retirement, the charismatic young president of France found room to assert himself. Macron’s growing influence abroad did little to bolster his domestic approval, however. A tax plan that benefited France’s wealthiest citizens earned him the nickname président des riches (“president of the rich”), and criticism of Macron sharply intensified in November 2018, when France was rocked by a wave of demonstrations in opposition to a proposed fuel tax increase. The protesters, dubbed gilets jaunes (“yellow vests”) after the bright traffic safety vests they wore, had broad support among the French public, and Macron was forced to withdraw the fuel tax. Macron experienced a brief surge in popularity in April 2019, when a fire seriously damaged Notre-Dame Cathedral and he launched a fundraising campaign that brought in hundreds of millions of dollars for the repair and rebuilding of the iconic Paris landmark.
Macron’s agenda had included curbs on government spending—he famously quipped that there was no “magic money” to spend on services without a corresponding increase in government revenues—but he was forced to put aside these measures when his administration was faced with the greatest global public health challenge in a century. The coronavirus SARS-CoV-2 pandemic caused a sharp economic contraction as France locked down nonessential businesses and restricted travel, but the country recovered relatively quickly. Although more than 25 million people in France contracted COVID-19, the potentially deadly disease caused by the virus, the country’s high rate of vaccination and its robust jobs retention scheme spared France from the high death rates and lingering unemployment that were evident elsewhere.
Macron’s reelection and second term
In spite of his administration’s largely effective response to the pandemic, Macron’s approval rating consistently hovered around 40 percent, and his low polling numbers were reflected in the results of the 2021 regional elections. En Marche! failed to capture a single region, while the resurgent Republicans and Socialists dominated across the country. That election saw another record low turnout: just one-third of all eligible voters went to the polls. Voter apathy remained a concern during the 2022 presidential campaign, and Macron struggled to mobilize his remaining supporters. The first round, held on April 10, 2022, was a virtual repeat of the 2017 contest, as Macron captured almost 28 percent of the vote and Le Pen won 23 percent. Mélenchon finished third, with 22 percent, and, although he stopped short of a full endorsement of Macron in the second round, he urged his supporters to “not give a single vote” to Le Pen. In the runoff, held on April 24, Macron secured a second term with more than 58 percent of the vote.
Macron continued to occupy a prominent place on the European stage, and he tried to act as a mediator between Moscow and Kyiv during the ongoing Russian invasion of Ukraine. Despite his victory in the election, Macron remained broadly unpopular at home, and the rebranding of En Marche! as Renaissance did nothing to help the party’s electoral fortunes. In legislative elections in June 2022, Macron’s centrist coalition lost its majority in the National Assembly. Prime Minister Élisabeth Borne submitted her resignation to Macron, but he rejected it, citing a need for his government to “stay on task and act.” The following month Borne easily survived a vote of confidence, but Macron was unable to bring any opposition parties into his coalition, and he ultimately found himself presiding over a minority government. In October 2022 Macron was forced to trigger Article 49.3 of the French constitution to pass a budget bill without the approval of the National Assembly. After the comparative instability of governments of the Fourth Republic (1946–58), Article 49.3 was one of the measures included in the constitution of the Fifth Republic (1958– ) to ensure the primacy of the president. The executive mechanism, which effectively allowed the president to bypass the legislature, saw little use outside of divided (“cohabitation”) or minority governments, however, and opposition parties decried its invocation as antidemocratic.
Macron used Article 49.3 again in March 2023 when he pushed through a controversial pension reform package that would raise the retirement age from 62 to 64 by 2030. Months of popular protests and strikes had occurred during the lead-up to the passage of the bill, and opposition lawmakers responded by submitting no-confidence motions against the government. One, sponsored by left-leaning and centrist lawmakers, received 278 votes, falling just 9 votes shy of the 287 necessary for passage. Another motion, sponsored by the National Rally, was supported by just 94 lawmakers. Had either motion passed, Macron would have been forced to replace his government or dissolve the National Assembly and call for a snap election. The failure of the two motions meant that the pension reform bill became law.
Macron’s domestic support remained underwater throughout the beginning of his second term, and votes of confidence against Borne’s government became routine. The opposition mounted more than a dozen unsuccessful attempts to unseat Borne in the second half of 2023, and she finally resigned in January 2024. Macron appointed Gabriel Attal as prime minister, but the remainder of his cabinet was largely unchanged. At 34 years old, Attal became the youngest prime minister in French history, as well as the first openly gay person to hold that office. As Macron’s education minister, Attal had become one of the most popular political figures in France with an ideological mix of policies that recalled the third way of center-left governments of the late 20th century. If Macron saw Attal as Renaissance’s future and the key to stemming the rise of the far right, the June 2024 European Parliament elections would be the first test of that plan. That contest saw the National Rally triumph in a commanding fashion, capturing nearly a third of the vote. Macron responded by calling for a snap parliamentary election to be held just weeks before the opening of the 2024 Summer Olympic Games in Paris.
The move surprised many—even those within Macron’s government—but there was a clear impetus that Macron himself later spelled out. His hope was that “men and women of goodwill who will have been able to say no to the extremes will come together” and support a centrist government, thus restoring his mandate. In the event that the far right emerges victorious in the snap election, Macron would likely be forced into a period of cohabitation for the remainder of his term. Perhaps counterintuitively, Macron saw a potential advantage in this outcome as well. The National Rally had come close to the presidency on several occasions, only to fall short when centrists on the right and left united behind a single candidate. If the far right were to form a cohabitation government, they would be forced to run on that record in the 2027 presidential election. Macron, who is limited to two terms and unable to contest that election, saw this as a possible mechanism for reducing the National Rally’s appeal. He directly stated, “I do not want to give the keys to power to the far right in 2027.”
The first round of the snap election was held on June 30, and France saw its highest voter turnout for a parliamentary contest in decades. The National Rally captured a third of the vote, but the New Popular Front, a hastily assembled left-wing bloc, finished a close second. Scores of candidates announced that they were strategically dropping out of the race ahead of the second round, so as to increase the chances of heading off an absolute National Rally parliamentary majority.
Michael Ray