Paul Biya

Paul Biya (born February 13, 1933, Mvomeka’a, French Cameroon [now in Cameroon]) is a Cameroonian politician who has served as president of Cameroon since 1982. Prior to that post, he served as prime minister (1975–82). He is among the longest-serving heads of state (excluding monarchs) in the world.

Early life, education, and family

Biya was born to Etienne Mvondo Assam and Anastasie Eyenga Elle in French Cameroon (now Cameroon). After he completed his primary education, he attended seminary schools until 1954. He then attended Lycée Général Leclerc in Yaoundé, graduating in 1956. Biya pursued his higher education in France in the fields of political science and law and returned to Cameroon, which had gained independence in 1960. Biya married Jeanne-Irène Atyam in the early 1960s; she died in 1992. He remarried in 1994 to Chantal Vigouroux. He has three children.

Entry into politics and ascent to the presidency

Throughout the 1960s, Biya held a variety of government posts in Cameroon. In June 1975 Biya became prime minister under Pres. Ahmadou Ahidjo. When Ahidjo resigned unexpectedly in November 1982, Biya, as prime minister, was his constitutional successor. He was sworn in as president on November 6, 1982. Ahidjo, however, remained head of the Cameroon National Union (Union Nationale Camerounaise; UNC), the country’s only political party, to which both men belonged. The transition was initially amicable, but friction between Biya and Ahidjo soon increased as the latter tried to maintain a level of influence over the government. He was not able to do so, though, and was forced to resign as party chairman in August 1983. The next month, at an extraordinary party congress, Biya was elected to head the UNC.

Presidency

Biya was reelected as president in elections held in 1984 and 1988, in which he was the sole candidate. Belying this perceived level of unanimous support was an unsuccessful coup attempt in April 1984; there were suspicions that Ahidjo or his supporters had been involved. The next year, at the UNC’s party congress, Biya dissolved the party and from its remains created the Cameroon People’s Democratic Movement (CPDM; Rassemblement Démocratique de Peuple Camerounais [RDPC]), of which he was also the head.

Although Biya supported democratic changes when he first took office, he reversed course after the 1984 coup attempt. In the face of domestic and international pressure, Biya eventually yielded and allowed some democratic and constitutional reforms in the 1990s, though Biya and the CPDM managed to consolidate power and remain dominant. The country held its first multiparty elections 1992. Biya won reelection that year and in the subsequent elections held in 1997 and 2004 (the presidential term had been extended, first to five years, and then to seven years), although some level of irregularity was noted in all the elections. After a consultative process that began in 1993, a new constitution was implemented in 1996. A controversial constitutional amendment passed in April 2008 abolished presidential term limits and provided Biya with the option to stand in future presidential elections, which he did. He was reelected in 2011 and 2018, with opposition parties again complaining of electoral irregularities and unsuccessfully challenging the results.

Biya inherited a troubled economy, one that was hit by a drop in global commodity prices in the 1980s and further hampered by corruption and economic mismanagement. In 1987 he accepted the need to adhere to an International Monetary Fund structural adjustment program, but, despite efforts to reform the economy, Cameroon entered into a severe recession. Corruption remained prevalent, hindering the country’s development, and in 2006 Biya established an anti-corruption commission by presidential decree. In the following years, the commission had some success, but corruption remained a prevalent problem.

During Biya’s long presidency, the country faced several crises and security challenges, such as those that arose in the 1990s and 2000s from the dispute with neighbouring Nigeria over the oil-rich Bakassi Peninsula, which both countries claimed. The International Court of Justice awarded the peninsula to Cameroon in 2002, and Nigeria completed the handover process in the following years. In 2013 the violence of Boko Haram, a militant group that originated in Nigeria, began to spill over Cameroon’s northern border more frequently. Biya met with leaders from the affected countries to discuss strategy in 2014, and the next year a regional task force comprising Cameroon, Nigeria, and other countries was formed to combat the militant group.

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One of the most concerning issues during Biya’s decades of rule has been the growing discontent among the country’s English-speaking minority in the southwest, who felt marginalized by the French-speaking majority. The multiparty political environment introduced in the 1990s was conducive to Anglophones who wanted to organize and advocate for change, with some calling for a return to the federal form of government that the country had in the years after independence, while extremists called for secession. The tensions between the English-speakers and the government continued into the 2000s, occasionally boiling over, such as in late 2016 when strikes and demonstrations held in the Anglophone community to protest the government’s marginalization of English-speakers were met with repressive measures from the government, further stoking unrest. Though Biya followed up with some conciliatory gestures, it was not enough. In 2017 some Anglophone separatist leaders declared the country’s two English-speaking regions to be independent, calling the new state Ambazonia; this led to open armed conflict between the separatists and government forces that continued on for years. Biya launched a national dialogue in 2019 in an attempt to find an end to the turmoil; out of this event came the creation of a special status designation for the two English-speaking regions, which would ostensibly provide them with a higher level of autonomy. The new designation was criticized, however, for having been formulated without input from the Anglophone community and for the limited level of autonomy it would actually provide. Much of the Anglophone community was not satisfied with it, and fighting continued.

Throughout Biya’s presidency, one source of concern—as well as criticism— has been his limited presence in Cameroon. He is known for his many overseas trips, in particular, to France and Switzerland, and, when in Cameroon, he has tended not to appear in public very often. Another concern, one that has become more pressing as Biya and his long-serving ministers age, is that there is no clear path for the younger generation to gain experience and prepare for the eventuality of a post-Biya government. This concern became heightened in early October 2024 when, after Biya had not been seen or heard from since early September and missed high-profile international events in the following weeks, rumors of him being gravely ill or deceased began to swirl. His last public appearance had been in Beijing, with some sources reporting that he appeared to be unwell there. The Cameroonian government initially responded to the speculation by insisting Biya was in excellent health and simply spending time in Geneva, but on October 9, a government official banned any speculation in the media about the state of Byia’s health.