On March 13, 1969, three days after his sentencing, Ray recanted his guilty plea, saying that Foreman had coerced him into making it. The remainder of his life was spent arguing various conspiracy theories in defense of his innocence and punctuating those efforts with escape attempts. In addition to the shifting set of alibis that Ray offered to prove that he was not at the scene of the crime, he claimed that he had been set up as a decoy by a group of conspirators including the person he said was King’s actual killer, a mystery man known to Ray only as Raoul, whom he first met in Montreal in 1967. According to Ray, Raoul had involved him in a gun-running scheme, and actions such as buying the Remington rifle and renting the room at Bessie Brewer’s had all been done at Raoul’s behest, ostensibly as part of that scheme. Over the years, however, the details of the story offered by Ray were inconsistent, including varying descriptions of Raoul’s physical appearance. Ray was also unable to provide witnesses to his supposed encounters with Raoul. State and federal courts alike repeatedly found nothing in Ray’s arguments to cause them to overturn his guilty plea.

In December 1978, having assiduously reviewed the evidence, the House Select Committee on Assassinations found Ray’s story to be flawed and determined that he was the killer. However, the committee concluded that there likely had been a conspiracy to kill King, most probably involving Ray’s brothers John and Jerry. The committee’s report also cited “substantial evidence” that there was a St. Louis-based conspiracy to finance King’s assassination, which may have had associations with the local Wallace campaign. Because it lacked conclusive evidence for these assertions, the committee ultimately could only present its belief that a St. Louis conspiracy offered an explanation for the involvement of Ray and his brothers. Its report suggested that it was possible that Ray might have acted on the expectation that he would be paid for King’s assassination or that he and his brothers might have entered into an agreement with the group involved in the St. Louis conspiracy. Absent sufficient evidence, however, the committee was left only to bemoan the failure of law enforcement officials to investigate these possibilities in 1968 when they might have been able to prove a conspiracy.

Hoping to spark a reopening of Ray’s case, in 1993 William Pepper, Ray’s latest and last attorney, staged a televised mock murder trial of Ray that was shown on HBO on the 25th anniversary of the assassination. Ray “testified” by satellite from his prison cell in Tennessee and was found not guilty by the mock jury. Also in 1993, Loyd Jowers, the owner of a tavern below Brewer’s rooming house, said in a television interview that he had been paid $100,000 to plan King’s assassination by a Memphis merchant with connections to organized crime. He claimed that he had hired King’s killer (not Ray), who had fired from a bush outside the tavern. Although Jowers later disavowed his story, he became the defendant in a wrongful death civil suit brought by the King family in 1998 in which they were represented by Pepper. This unusual pairing came about after King’s son Dexter became aware of Orders to Kill (1995), a book in which Pepper argued that King’s assassination was the result of a labyrinthine conspiracy involving the executive branch, the FBI and CIA, foreign intelligence agencies, and the Memphis police, among others. Dexter King visited Ray in prison in 1997 and came away believing that Ray was not his father’s killer.

As early as August 1979, Jesse Jackson had become convinced of Ray’s innocence, and in 1991 he wrote the foreword for Ray’s book Who Killed Martin Luther King?: The True Story by the Alleged Assassin. It is perhaps not surprising that the King family and King intimates would accept a conspiracy theory grounded in government involvement, given the White House-approved sometimes tawdry efforts by J. Edgar Hoover and the FBI to attack King’s character and reputation as they ostensibly sought to connect him with the Communist Party. The King family felt vindicated when the jury in the wrongful death suit found Jowers and “unknown conspirators” liable, though only for the token amount sought by the Kings, who brought the case on principle in the hope of reopening the investigation into the assassination. Jowers’s attorney, however, had put up little battle, and the bar for a finding in the civil suit was lower than that for conviction in a criminal case. The ruling was not enough to persuade the Shelby County district attorney to reopen Ray’s case, but, largely at the request of the King family, U.S. Attorney General Janet Reno ordered a new investigation. In June 2000, after 18 months of investigation, the U.S. Department of Justice concluded that there was no evidence to support recent theories about plots to kill King or that he had been assassinated by conspirators who had framed Ray (who died in 1998). The report found that no further investigation was necessary. The King family challenged the report’s conclusions, saying “We do not believe that, in such a politically sensitive matter, the government is capable of investigating itself.”

At the time of the assassination’s 50th anniversary in 2018, King’s death remains a matter of controversy.

Jeff Wallenfeldt
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American civil rights movement, mass protest movement against racial segregation and discrimination in the southern United States that came to national prominence during the mid-1950s. This movement had its roots in the centuries-long efforts of enslaved Africans and their descendants to resist racial oppression and abolish the institution of slavery. Although enslaved people were emancipated as a result of the American Civil War and were then granted basic civil rights through the passage of the Fourteenth and Fifteenth amendments to the U.S. Constitution, struggles to secure federal protection of these rights continued during the next century. Through nonviolent protest, the civil rights movement of the 1950s and ’60s broke the pattern of public facilities’ being segregated by “race” in the South and achieved the most important breakthrough in equal-rights legislation for African Americans since the Reconstruction period (1865–77). Although the passage in 1964 and 1965 of major civil rights legislation was victorious for the movement, by then militant Black activists had begun to see their struggle as a freedom or liberation movement not just seeking civil rights reforms but instead confronting the enduring economic, political, and cultural consequences of past racial oppression.

(Read Henry Louis Gates, Jr.’s Britannica essay on “Monuments of Hope.”)

Abolitionism to Jim Crow

American history has been marked by persistent and determined efforts to expand the scope and inclusiveness of civil rights. Although equal rights for all were affirmed in the founding documents of the United States, many of the new country’s inhabitants were denied essential rights. Enslaved Africans and indentured servants did not have the inalienable right to “life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness” that British colonists asserted to justify their Declaration of Independence. Nor were they included among the “People of the United States” who established the Constitution in order to “promote the general Welfare, and secure the Blessings of Liberty to ourselves and our Posterity.” Instead, the Constitution protected slavery by allowing the importation of enslaved persons until 1808 and providing for the return of enslaved people who had escaped to other states.

As the United States expanded its boundaries, Native American peoples resisted conquest and absorption. Individual states, which determined most of the rights of American citizens, generally limited voting rights to white property-owning males, and other rights—such as the right to own land or serve on juries—were often denied on the basis of racial or gender distinctions. A small proportion of Black Americans lived outside the slave system, but those so-called “free Blacks” endured racial discrimination and enforced segregation. Although some enslaved persons violently rebelled against their enslavement (see slave rebellions), African Americans and other subordinated groups mainly used nonviolent means—protests, legal challenges, pleas and petitions addressed to government officials, as well as sustained and massive civil rights movements—to achieve gradual improvements in their status.

During the first half of the 19th century, movements to extend voting rights to non-property-owning white male labourers resulted in the elimination of most property qualifications for voting, but this expansion of suffrage was accompanied by brutal suppression of American Indians and increasing restrictions on free Blacks. Owners of enslaved people in the South reacted to the 1831 Nat Turner slave revolt in Virginia by passing laws to discourage antislavery activism and prevent the teaching of enslaved people to read and write. Despite this repression, a growing number of Black Americans freed themselves from slavery by escaping or negotiating agreements to purchase their freedom through wage labour. By the 1830s, free Black communities in the Northern states had become sufficiently large and organized to hold regular national conventions, where Black leaders gathered to discuss alternative strategies of racial advancement. In 1833 a small minority of whites joined with Black antislavery activists to form the American Anti-Slavery Society under the leadership of William Lloyd Garrison.

Martin Luther King, Jr. (center), with other civil rights supporters lock arms on as they lead the way along Constitution Avenue during the March on Washington, Washington, D.C., on August 28, 1963.
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Frederick Douglass became the most famous of the formerly enslaved persons who joined the abolition movement. His autobiography—one of many slave narratives—and his stirring orations heightened public awareness of the horrors of slavery. Although Black leaders became increasingly militant in their attacks against slavery and other forms of racial oppression, their efforts to secure equal rights received a major setback in 1857, when the U.S. Supreme Court rejected African American citizenship claims. The Dred Scott decision stated that the country’s founders had viewed Blacks as so inferior that they had “no rights which the white man was bound to respect.” This ruling—by declaring unconstitutional the Missouri Compromise (1820), through which Congress had limited the expansion of slavery into western territories—ironically strengthened the antislavery movement, because it angered many whites who did not hold enslaved people. The inability of the country’s political leaders to resolve that dispute fueled the successful presidential campaign of Abraham Lincoln, the candidate of the antislavery Republican Party. Lincoln’s victory in turn prompted the Southern slave states to secede and form the Confederate States of America in 1860–61.

Although Lincoln did not initially seek to abolish slavery, his determination to punish the rebellious states and his increasing reliance on Black soldiers in the Union army prompted him to issue the Emancipation Proclamation (1863) to deprive the Confederacy of its enslaved property. After the American Civil War ended, Republican leaders cemented the Union victory by gaining the ratification of constitutional amendments to abolish slavery (Thirteenth Amendment) and to protect the legal equality of formerly enslaved persons (Fourteenth Amendment) and the voting rights of male ex-slaves (Fifteenth Amendment). Despite those constitutional guarantees of rights, almost a century of civil rights agitation and litigation would be required to bring about consistent federal enforcement of those rights in the former Confederate states. Moreover, after federal military forces were removed from the South at the end of Reconstruction, white leaders in the region enacted new laws to strengthen the “Jim Crow” system of racial segregation and discrimination. In its Plessy v. Ferguson decision (1896), the Supreme Court ruled that “separate but equal” facilities for African Americans did not violate the Fourteenth Amendment, ignoring evidence that the facilities for Blacks were inferior to those intended for whites.

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The Southern system of white supremacy was accompanied by the expansion of European and American imperial control over nonwhite people in Africa and Asia as well as in island countries of the Pacific and Caribbean regions. Like African Americans, most nonwhite people throughout the world were colonized or economically exploited and denied basic rights, such as the right to vote. With few exceptions, women of all races everywhere were also denied suffrage rights (see woman suffrage).