In March 1981 the government convened a Zimbabwe Conference on Reconstruction and Development (Zimcord). During the Lancaster House conference, Britain had proposed that, since the resources it was able to give Zimbabwe would be inadequate, it could help Zimbabwe sponsor a donors’ conference to solicit aid for land development and reconstruction. The Zimbabwe Ministry of Economic Planning and Development took the proposal seriously, assessed the financial requirements needed over a three-year Transitional National Development Plan, and convened the conference in Salisbury. It had been estimated that Z$1.2 billion would be needed, but in reality about Z$1.3 billion was pledged by donor countries, the largest single amounts coming from Britain and the United States. Soon the Transitional National Development Plan will be announced. Its emphasis will be on raising the development in the peasant sector, neglected for decades by successive colonial regimes.

During the war years the Zimbabwe African National Union adopted a socialist philosophy based on Marxist-Leninist principles. Socialism is the guiding philosophy of the present government. Upon the attainment of independence, however, the government made it clear that its programs would occur in a socioeconomic context in which the historical, traditional, and objective circumstances of the country were recognized. Outright nationalization of the various sectors is not a feasible proposition, given the lack of technology, managerial skills, business experience, and even ideological consciousness among the majority of the people. The working class must first develop worker consciousness in terms of its roles, needs, and duties. Similarly, the workers’ technical and managerial skills must be substantially developed before any self-management programs can be undertaken.

Most of these aspects will be taken care of under the development plan, which is the formulation of the policy enunciated as “Growth with Equity” in preparation for Zimcord. To the extent that the promised funds become available, it should be possible to fulfill most of the objectives the government is setting for itself and for the people during the next three years.

Since its assumption of power the present government has taken some revolutionary steps in reforming the socioeconomic system. Primary education has been made free, and health care free for all those earning less than Z$150 dollars a month. Secondary education is now available for every child who completes his or her primary education, although this is not yet free. Racial discrimination has been abolished. The public service is fast being africanized. The monthly minimum wage, starting at Z$75 in July 1980, went up to Z$85 in January 1981 and to Z$105 in January 1982 for industrial, mining, and commercial workers, although the monthly minimum wage for farm and domestic workers has risen only from Z$30 to Z$50 over the period.

Zimbabwe has become a member of the Organization of African Unity, the United Nations and agencies, the Nonaligned Movement, and several other international organizations. It has, by joining the Nonaligned Movement, declared itself committed to the principles of that organization. Within the southern African region, Zimbabwe found itself, upon independence, within the brotherhood of the front-line states. It thus participates in discussions and consultations regularly held by these states on matters of mutual concern, especially on the problems posed by the system of apartheid in South Africa and that country’s continued illegal occupation of Namibia in defiance of the United Nations, as well as by its acts of unprovoked aggression and sabotage against neighbouring states. Alongside other front-line states, Zimbabwe insists that Namibia must be granted independence on the basis of the UN Security Council Resolution 435, which was passed in 1978.

Zimbabwe has also become a member of the Southern African Development Coordination Conference, whose inaugural meeting was held in Arusha, Tanzania, in 1979, followed by a conference held in Lusaka of heads of government of nine southern African states: Angola, Botswana, Mozambique, Tanzania, Zambia, Swaziland, Zimbabwe, Lesotho, and Malawi. The objectives of SADCC are stated in the Lusaka Declaration of April 1, 1980:

1. The reduction of economic dependence, particularly, but not only, on the Republic of South Africa.
2. The forging of links to create a genuine and equitable regional integration.
3. The mobilization of resources to promote the implementation of national, interstate, and regional policies.
4. Concerted action to secure international cooperation within the framework of our strategy for economic liberation.

In July 1981 a summit meeting was held in Salisbury to appraise the work so far accomplished at the ministerial level of SADCC. Each of the members has been assigned a task. Zimbabwe is to develop a Southern African Food Security Plan. A simple coordinative machinery was also decided upon. The headquarters would be in Gaberones and the president of Botswana, Quett Masire, would remain as chairman of SADCC. Zimbabwe was chosen to provide an executive secretary. These two officials, assisted by a secretariat in Gaberones, will have the responsibility to steer, coordinate, and administer the work of SADCC. Zimbabwe submitted its nominee for the post of executive secretary to SADCC and at the present writing approval is still being awaited.

The Ongoing Struggle

In conclusion, the writer has attempted to retrace the dramatic story of the Zimbabwean national struggle for independence by depicting the causes of the conflict arising from the imposition by Rhodes of a colonial system on a society that had neither invited it nor agreed to it. The writer has also tried to portray the national struggle and to show how a progressive transformation occurred until revolutionary armed struggle, based on the Maoist theory of popular support, brought about the collapse of the colonial system. Throughout the years of the armed struggle ZANU was the undoubted political and revolutionary vanguard of the people’s struggle for freedom and independence. Its main arm was always ZANLA, without which independence would not have come as early as it did.

There has also been a focusing on the problems facing the country immediately upon independence and how the present government has attempted to solve them. The reader has been provided with an insight into the policies and plans of the ZANU government for the future of the country. In the view of the ZANU government, the struggle for independence must operate on the basic economic struggle of Marxist-Leninist socialist principles. When our government finds itself in conflict with the established capitalist system it must, in due course, assert its paramountcy and find practical application, again through popular support, in replacing the latter. Independence is thus a starting point of a new type of national struggle.

A luta continua!