Geography’s 19th-century research directions were set by a few influential individuals, although not all of them were even formally associated with the discipline. Many of its roots emanated from several continental European geographers, some of whom owed their inspiration to the teaching of philosophers such as Immanuel Kant, who wrote about geography in Critique of Pure Reason (1781). Especially influential were the German scholars Alexander von Humboldt (1769–1859), Carl Ritter (1779–1859), and Friedrich Ratzel (1844–1904) and French geographer Paul Vidal de la Blache (1845–1918).

Humboldt’s interests were stimulated by the Germans Johann Reinhold Forster and his son, Georg Forster, who on James Cook’s second voyage had collated botanical and climatological data. Humboldt synthesized a vast amount of information (much of it on his travels, including five years in Central and South America) to illustrate environmental variation, noting differences in agricultural practices and patterns of human settlement that reflected the interactions of elevation, temperature, and vegetation. His work emphasized field collection of data and their synthesis through maps, leading to inductive generalizations regarding environmental characteristics and their links with human activity. Materials assembled from a wide range of sources were the basis for his major published work, the five-volume Kosmos.

Whereas Humboldt laid the groundwork for what later became known as systematic geography, Ritter focused on regional geography, the study of the connections between phenomena in places. This involved defining regions, or separate areas with distinct assemblages of phenomena. He relied on secondary data sources in compiling his 19-volume Die Erdkunde im Verhältniss zur Natur und zur Geschichte des Menschen (“Earth Science in Relation to Nature and the History of Man”), which he never finished.

Ratzel, whose early studies were in biology and anthropology, was much influenced by Darwinian thinking when linking human societies to their physical environments. His two-volume Anthropogeographie (1882–91) related the course of history to Earth’s physical features, illustrating the principle of survival of the fittest. His later Politische geographie (1897) utilized Darwinian arguments to characterize nation-states, which he treated as organisms that struggle for land (Lebensraum, or “living space”), only the strongest being able to expand territorially.

When geography was institutionalized at German universities in the late 19th century, however, there were no formally trained geographers, and the first professors had backgrounds in such disciplines as history, mathematics, geology, biology, or journalism. Their new discipline, which was conceived as a general Earth science, embraced systematic materials from those in which they had been trained. They created a unity for geography around the regional concept, building on foundations laid by Humboldt and Ritter. Field research outside Germany was deemed a crucial part of training, and each student spent a year overseas. Regular meetings involving several hundred German geographers—the Deutscher Geographentag—were held in the late 19th century, and these have continued to the present day. A separate Association of Academic Geographers was formed in the early 20th century, by which time several important geographical journals were in production.

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In France the discipline had roots in history and mapping. The first major practitioner was Paul Vidal de la Blache, who had trained as a geographer and was appointed to the Sorbonne in 1898, where he maintained close links with the Annales school of historians. Vidal focused on defining and describing regions, or what he called pays—relatively small homogeneous areas—whose distinctive genres de vie (“modes of life”) resulted from the interactions of people with their physical milieux. Unlike some of his German contemporaries, notably Ratzel, he did not see those interactions as predominantly determined by the physical environment. Instead, he promoted what became known as possibilism, where the environment offers a range of options, and people choose how to modify nature according to their cultural and technological inheritances. As the contemporary historian Lucien Febvre put it, “nowhere necessities…everywhere possibilities.” Vidal’s major contributions were his Tableau de la géographie de la France (1903; “Outline of the Geography of France”), an introduction to the multivolume Histoire de la France, and the 15-volume Géographie universelle (1927–48). Many of his students wrote dissertations on individual pays, the study of which dominated French geography throughout the first half of the 20th century.

Developments in continental Europe during the late 19th century provided the foundation for an academic discipline to emerge in the English-speaking world, where the new intellectual concerns were integrated with the established traditions in exploration and cartography. The first International Geographical Congress was held in Antwerp, Belgium, in 1871; several more congresses were convened on the Continent before the first meetings in London (1895) and the United States (1904), and thus the notion was perpetuated, at least among some, that geography was still a “European” discipline. The International Geographical Union (IGU) was founded in 1922.

As a separate academic discipline, therefore, geography emerged out of a demand for teaching knowledge about the world’s environments and peoples. From small and diverse beginnings, it was established in the academic community as a subject and developed associated institutions, such as learned societies to promote the discipline and journals in which geographers could publish their work, and its relevance grew to be recognized worldwide. In 1964, 70 countries sent delegates to the International Geographical Congress in London; now some 100 countries—through national committees for the discipline—are affiliated with the IGU. Geographers became academics in the full sense of the 20th-century university as they began to pursue research and original investigations.

Geography in the United States

In the United States, where each state was responsible for providing elementary, secondary, and higher education, there was no coordinated pressure for geography instruction. Instead, the creation of geography programs reflected particular local situations. In a number of universities, geography courses were offered for students in geology departments; in others, their origins lay in the universities’ schools of business and commerce—as was the case at the University of California, Berkeley, where the country’s first separate department of geography was created in 1898 within the College of Commerce. Out of these programs—and the courses included in teacher education at normal schools (many of which became state colleges and universities), as well as university education departments—emerged several geography departments, including graduate programs, such as those at the University of Chicago and at Clark University in Worcester, Massachusetts. By 1945 about 30 universities in the United States had geography graduate programs. However, the discipline remained relatively weak, and in subsequent decades several departments were closed and undergraduate degree programs discontinued. Notable were the closures at several Ivy League schools (the exception being Dartmouth College in Hanover, New Hampshire) and other private institutions, such as Northwestern University (Evanston, Illinois; in 1987) and, most conspicuously, the University of Chicago (1986)—although Harvard University (Cambridge, Massachusetts) established a Center for Geographic Analysis in 2006.

European scholars considerably influenced the emerging discipline in the United Kingdom and North America, where institutionalization into the academic structures came somewhat later. Scholars, some of whom studied in Germany or France, promoted different aspects of the discipline. Foremost in the United States was William Morris Davis, a geologist at Harvard University who published prolifically on landscape evolution (later called geomorphology, or the study of landforms). He argued strongly for education in geography, promoting an approach derived from German environmental determinism: human behaviour is strongly conditioned by environmental factors, so the study of physical geography should be the basis for understanding human activity. Davis was the principal author of an 1892 report on the teaching of geography, which recommended replacing the rote learning that characterized the discipline in American schools at that time with a more scientific approach based on physical geography but including “the physical influences by which man and the creatures of the Earth are so profoundly affected.”

This approach was soon rejected as flawed by most geographers in the United States, who adopted a regional approach; areal variations in human activities, notably land uses, in their environmental settings were described, and homogeneous regions were defined. Richard Hartshorne codified this approach. His monograph, The Nature of Geography (1939; reprinted 1976), was much influenced by the work of German authors—notably Alfred Hettner—and it conceived the discipline’s defining characteristics. Geography, he concluded, is

a science that interprets the realities of areal differentiation of the world as they are found, not only in terms of the differences in certain things from place to place, but also in terms of the total combination of phenomena in each place, different from those at every other place.

Systematic geography focused on individual phenomena. But regional geography, or the study of the “total combination of phenomena” in places, was “the ultimate purpose of geography”—a task later redefined as “the highest form of the geographer’s art.” According to a leading British geographer, Sidney William Wooldridge, in The Geographer as Scientist: Essays on the Scope and Nature of Geography (1956, reprinted 1969), regional geography aimed

to gather up the disparate strands of the systematic studies, the geographical aspects of other disciplines, into a coherent and focused unity, to see nature and nurture, physique and personality as closely related and interdependent elements in specific regions.

According to this view, all geographers—whatever their systematic interests in particular classes of phenomena—should be regional specialists who appreciate the full complexity of phenomena combinations. Many of Hartshorne’s contemporaries identified themselves as regional geographers and published major texts, such as Preston E. James in his renowned Latin America (1942). Many introductory texts, such as James’s An Outline of Geography (1935), used regional divisions of the world as organizing templates, though the regions were usually defined at much larger scales than the Vidalian pays.

Although regional geography dominated U.S. geographical practices in the first half of the 20th century, it was not universally adopted. Its major challenge was an approach—widely known as cultural geography—associated with Carl Sauer (1889–1975), a University of Chicago geography graduate, and the associates and students whom he led at the University of California, Berkeley, from 1923 to 1957. Sauer was also strongly influenced by the Germans, but he emphasized the study of landscape changes produced by the impress of different cultural groups on environments, with particular reference to rural Latin America. What became known as the Berkeley school used field, documentary, and other evidence to explore societal evolution in its environmental context, much of which apparently involved diffusion from core “culture areas.”

These two approaches dominated U.S. geography for several decades, with considerable conflict between what were seen as the “Midwest” and “West Coast” definitions—which, respectively, were predominantly economic and cultural; Hartshorne’s Perspective on the Nature of Geography (1959, reissued 1968) partly reconciled the two, allowing for historical studies such as Sauer’s. Not all American geographers followed one or the other, however. Some stressed systematic interests, as with early economic geographers such as J. Russell Smith, who worked in the Department of Geography and Industry at the University of Pennsylvania and published his Industrial and Commercial Geography in 1913. Economic or commercial geography courses were quite common in economics departments at American universities then, but with a shift in the focus of academic economics to a more analytical and statistical (or mathematical) approach, the links had nearly disappeared by 1920.

Also prominent in the early 20th century was Isaiah Bowman, president (1935–48) of Johns Hopkins University. A geology graduate of Harvard, where he was taught by William Morris Davis, Bowman did his early work on physical geography and pioneer settlement in South America. As director of the American Geographical Society (1915–35), he oversaw cartographic and other geographical work preparatory to the Paris Peace Conference (1919–20), which he attended, following World War I.