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Although the contemplative elite may deny the real existence of gods and demons together with the rest of phenomenal existence, the majority of Buddhists have preserved indigenous religious beliefs and practices. It has already been noted how Mara, the manifestation of spiritual evil, was presented in the earliest literature in terms of local demonological beliefs. It is also the case that the early stupas and entrances to cave temples were decorated with local male and female deities (usually referred to as yakshas and yakshinis) who were seen as converted defenders of the new faith. This proved to be a satisfying way of justifying the continuance of the cult of local deities, and it has been employed in varying degrees in every Buddhist land. Thus, there developed a pantheon of minor deities that continued to take in new members wherever Buddhism was established.
The Mahayana and Vajrayana traditions welcomed these local deities and have admitted some of their cults into the liturgies in honour of buddhas and bodhisattvas. Such favoured deities include Mahakala, the great black divinity; the mother goddess Hariti; Kuvera, the god of wealth; and especially Hayagriva, a fierce horse-faced god who is powerful in driving off unconverted demonic forces. The Mahayana and Vajrayana traditions have also identified local deities as manifestations of various buddhas and bodhisattvas. This process is particularly prominent in Japan, where the identification of buddhas and bodhisattvas with indigenous kami (Japanese: “god” or “spirit”) has included both the great gods (for example, in the identification of the buddha Mahavairochana with the great ancestral Sun goddess, Amaterasu) and the kami of local territories.
In other cases that are equally widespread, local gods and demons have been conquered, converted, and taken into the pantheon or relegated to the periphery (where they may still require propitiation). Perhaps the most interesting example is found in Tibet, where it is commonly believed that Buddhism became established in the 8th century only as the result of the wholesale subjugation of local deities—a subjugation that must, from time to time, be repeated through the performance of rituals marked by their dynamism and ferocity.
In Theravada, Buddhism has had to come to terms with local beliefs. In some cases well-organized pantheons have been built. In Sri Lanka, for example, various local, Hindu, and Buddhist deities hold places within a hierarchy headed by the Buddha himself. In Myanmar the traditional hierarchy of local nats is headed by Thagya Min. Identified with Indra, he becomes a divine protector of Buddhism, who reigns in the Heaven of the Thirty-three Gods.
These neatly organized systems, even where they exist, are, however, only a small part of the story. Throughout the various Theravada countries, a wide variety of deities and spirits have been incorporated into the Buddhist world as the inhabitants of particular realms within the Buddhist cosmos or as the guardians of various images, stupas, and temples. At the same time, there are others who, like the demons of Tibet, remain only partially encompassed within the Buddhist domain.
Female deities
In many Buddhist traditions female deities and spirits have been relegated to minor and secondary positions in the pantheon. Among the Theravadins, for example, it is rare for female deities to play a major role. An important exception is the goddess Pattini, who is a significant figure in the Theravada pantheon in Sri Lanka.
In the Mahayana tradition several female deities became major figures. Notably, Supreme Wisdom (Prajnaparamita) is often personified as the Mother of All Buddhas, who is manifest especially in Maha Maya, the virgin mother of Shakyamuni. Tara, the female saviour, is a much more popular figure who has often been seen as the female counterpart of the bodhisattva Avalokiteshvara. In China and Japan, Avalokiteshvara himself gradually assumed a female form. As Guanyin (Japanese: Kannon), Avalokiteshvara became probably the most popular figure in the entire panoply of buddhas and bodhisattvas.
It was, however, in the Vajrayana traditions that female deities became ubiquitous at the highest levels of the pantheon. From the 7th century onward, a riot of female divinities found their way into certain circles of Buddhist yogis, where they were actually represented by women partners in a special kind of sexual yoga (physical and mental discipline). The process was gradually interpreted as an internal form of celibate yoga, for, in accordance with Vajrayana theory, enlightenment is achieved by the union of Wisdom and Method, now conceived of symbolically as female and male. Thus, it became possible to present supreme Buddhahood as the union of a male and female pair and then to represent every celestial buddha or quasi-buddha by a pair of male and female forms. The actual sexual ritual was certainly performed at one time in India and Nepal, seemingly to a very limited extent in Tibet, and perhaps not at all in China and Japan. Nonetheless, this form of Tantric symbolism, with its plethora of female buddhas and quasi-buddhas, has been taken for granted as part of the received tradition of virtually all Vajrayana Buddhists.
Kings and yogis
The great Buddha myth is a combination of the ideals of universal kingship and universal religious preeminence. This is clearly expressed in the myth of the prophetic utterance of future greatness by the sage Asita, who examined auspicious signs on the infant Gautama and determined that he was a Mahapurusha (a Great Man capable of attaining universal rulership or Buddhahood) who was destined to become a buddha.
According to the Jataka tradition, Gautama, in his penultimate life as Vessantara (Sanskrit: Vishantara), had already realized the perfection of the extraordinary combination of kingship and all-abandoning asceticism. As crown prince, Vessantara was famous for his vast generosity, and, to the despair of his more practical-minded father, he accepted banishment to the forest. There he attained ultimate self-abnegation by giving away his children and his wife, and in some accounts even his own eyes. In the end all the things Vessantara had given up were miraculously restored to him, and, responding to the demands of his countrymen, he returned home to become the best of kings. Similarly, the last life of Gautama, up to the time of his great renunciation, is told entirely as a royal story.
Although the practice of Buddhist religion strictly required withdrawal from the world, or at least renunciation of its pleasures, the Buddha and his followers were eager to win royal support. They needed benefactors, and what better benefactor than a king. Any suggestion of royal benefaction thus resulted in the revival of the “myth” of the vastly generous monarch. Even within the Theravada tradition, the notion of the beneficent king as a bodhisattva has been prominent.
The most famous example of the mythologized kings is the Indian emperor Ashoka, who helped spread Buddhism and became the protagonist in many Buddhist legends. He is credited with having built 84,000 stupas as well as having disseminated Buddhism to neighbouring countries. On a smaller scale, legends embellish the life of King Tissa of Sri Lanka (3rd century bce), who presided over the arrival of Buddhism. Similar legends developed around other royal supporters of Buddhism, including Prince Shōtoku of Japan (died 622 ce)—whose enthusiasm for Buddhism is genuinely historical—Srong-brtsan-sgam-po of Tibet (died 650 ce), and Tibet’s two other great “kings of religion”: Khri-srong-lde-btsan (reigned 755–797 ce) and Ral-pa-can, who was assassinated in 838 ce.
The great 8th/9th-century stupa of Borobudur in central Java deliberately represents the ruling monarch of Java as a king who exhibited aspirations toward Buddhahood. The king presents himself as the bodhisattva par excellence. The Tibetans developed a similar idea when they identified their reincarnating Dalai Lama as a manifestation of their great patron, the bodhisattva Avalokiteshvara. The Manchu emperors of China were regarded as manifestations of the bodhisattva Manjushri.
From early in the history of Buddhism, the Buddha was recognized as a fully perfected yogi who possessed great religious insight and miraculous powers. Among the Buddha’s disciples, Maha Moggallana was especially known for his yogic attainments and magical powers. Notably, he traveled through various cosmic realms, bringing back to the Buddha reports of things that were transpiring in those worlds. In later Theravada accounts Maha Moggallana’s successor, the monk Phra Malai, visited the Tushita Heaven to question the future buddha Maitreya concerning the time when he was to be reborn on earth in order to complete his buddha mission.
At a more general level, the early disciples of Shakyamuni, known as arhats when they achieved perfection, were conceived of as miracle-working yogis and were presented in the early canonical literature in this way. This same ideal was acknowledged in the Theravada tradition, and all Theravada areas have claimed their share of arhats. But it was in Tibet, which drew on the more developed Indian myth of the mahasiddha (Sanskrit: “great yogi”) of the Tantric period (8th to 12th century ce), that this theme was most effusively developed. Especially famous are Padmasambhava (also called Guru Rimpoche), an 8th-century Indian yogi credited with having quelled the evil spirits of Tibet, and Pha-dam-pa Sangs-rgyas (died 1117), a Brahman of South India who became a Buddhist and visited Tibet and possibly China in the 11th century. Doubtless historical, Pha-dam-pa Sangs-rgyas passed out of history into myth with his fantastic powers and equally fantastic longevity. Better known in Europe is the story of the great Tibetan yogi Milarepa (1040–1123).
Early in the history of Chinese Buddhism, the same mythical tendencies appeared. Bodhidharma (6th century), the founder of Chan (Zen) Buddhism, was considered to be an Indian yogi. Subsequently, the ideal of the Buddhist sage, as typified by the arhats, coalesced in Chinese thought with the Daoist immortals (xian) in mythical figures known as lohans. In Japan new mythicized stories developed, some associated with the founders of Japanese schools such as Kūkai and Shinran, others with popular holy men who were the Buddhist counterparts of indigenous shamans and ascetics. Through the continued generation of such new myths and stories, Buddhism was able to move from culture to culture, taking root in each one along the way.
David Llewelyn SnellgrovePopular religious practices
Like other great religions, Buddhism has generated a wide range of popular practices. Among these, two simple practices are deeply rooted in the experience of the earliest Buddhist community and have remained basic to all Buddhist traditions.
The first is the veneration of the Buddha or other buddhas, bodhisattvas, or saints, which involves showing respect, meditating on the qualities of the Buddha, or giving gifts. Such gifts are often given to the relics of the Buddha, to images made to represent him, and to other traces of his presence, such as places where his footprint can supposedly be seen. After the Buddha’s death the first foci for this sort of veneration seem to have been his relics and the stupas that held them. By the beginning of the Common Era, anthropomorphic images of the Buddha were being produced, and they took their place alongside relics and stupas as focal points for venerating him. Still later, in the context of the Mahayana and Vajrayana traditions, the veneration of other buddhas and bodhisattvas came to supplement or replace the veneration of the Buddha Gautama. In the course of Buddhist history, the forms have become diverse, but the practice of honouring and even worshiping the Buddha or Buddha figure has remained a central component in all Buddhist traditions.
The second basic practice is the exchange that takes place between monks and laypersons. Like the Buddha himself, the monks embody or represent the higher levels of spiritual achievement, which they make available in various ways to the laity. The laity improve their soteriological condition by giving the monks material gifts that function as sacrificial offerings. Although the exchange is structured differently in each Buddhist tradition, it has remained until recently a component in virtually all forms of Buddhist community life.
Both of these practices appear independently within the tradition. The veneration of the Buddha or Buddha figure is a common ritual often practiced independently of other rituals. Moreover, the dana (Pali: “gift-giving”) ritual of the Theravada tradition and similar exchanges between monks and laypersons are performed independently of other rituals. Both of these practices, however, are embedded in one way or another in virtually all other Buddhist rituals, including calendric rituals, pilgrimage rituals, rites of passage, and protective rites.
Calendric rites and pilgrimage
Uposatha
The four monthly holy days of ancient Buddhism, called uposatha, continue to be observed in the Theravada countries of Southeast Asia. The days—the new moon and full moon days of each lunar month and the eighth day following the new and full moons—originated, according to some scholars, in the fast days that preceded the Vedic soma sacrifices. Buddhist laypersons and monks are expected to perform religious duties during the uposatha days.
The uposatha service typically includes the repetition of the precepts, the offering of flowers to the Buddha image, the recitation of Pali suttas, meditation practices, and a sermon by one of the monks for the benefit of those in attendance. The more pious laymen may vow to observe the eight precepts for the duration of the uposatha. These include the five precepts normally observed by all Buddhists—not to kill, steal, lie, take intoxicants, or commit sexual offenses, which came to entail complete sexual continence—as well as injunctions against eating food after noon, attending entertainments or wearing bodily adornments, and sleeping on a luxurious bed. The monks observe the uposatha days by listening to the recitation by one of their members of the patimokkha, or rules of conduct, contained in the Vinaya Pitaka and by confessing any infractions of the rules they have committed.
Anniversaries
The three major events of the Buddha’s life—his birth, enlightenment, and entrance into final nirvana (parinibbana)—are commemorated in all Buddhist countries but not everywhere on the same day. In Theravada countries the three events are all observed together on Vesak (also spelled Wesak), the full moon day of the sixth lunar month (Vesakha), which usually occurs in May. In Japan and other Mahayana countries, however, the three anniversaries of the Buddha are observed on separate days (in some countries the birth date is April 8, the enlightenment date is December 8, and the death date is February 15). Festival days honouring other buddhas and bodhisattvas of the Mahayana and Vajrayana traditions are also observed, and considerable emphasis is placed on anniversaries connected with the patriarchs of certain schools. Padmasambhava’s anniversary, for example, is especially observed by the Rnying-ma-pa sect in Tibet, and the birthday of Nichiren is celebrated by his followers in Japan.
Vassa
The beginning and end of vassa, the three-month rainy-season retreat from July to October, are two of the major festivals of the year among Theravada Buddhists, particularly in Myanmar, Cambodia, Thailand, and Laos. The retreat has largely been given up by Mahayana Buddhists. It is an accepted practice in countries such as Thailand for a layman to take monastic vows for the vassa period and then to return to lay life. Commonly, the number of years a monk has spent in monastic life is expressed by counting up the number of vassas he has observed.
The end of vassa is marked by joyous celebration, and the following month is a major occasion for presenting gifts to monks and acquiring the consequent merit. The kathina, or robe-offering ceremony, is a public event during this period and usually involves a collective effort by a village, a group of villages, or a company to bestow gifts on an entire monastery. A public feast and display of the robes and other presents on a “wishing tree” are the usual components of the ceremony. The kathina celebration culminates in the making and presentation of the mahakathina (“great robe”), a particularly meritorious gift that requires the cooperation of a number of people who, theoretically at least, must produce it—from spinning the thread to stitching the cloth—in a single day and night. The robe commemorates the act of the Buddha’s mother, who, on hearing that he was about to renounce worldly life, wove his first mendicant robes in one night.
Ullambana festival
The importance of the virtues of filial piety and the reverence of ancestors in China and Japan have established Ullambana—often called Hungry Ghost Festival, or Bon (in Japan)— as one of the major Buddhist festivals in those countries. In China worshipers in Buddhist temples make fachuan (“boats of the law”) out of paper, some very large, which are then burned in the evening. The purpose of the celebration is twofold: to remember the dead and to free those who are suffering as pretas, or hungry ghosts, so that they may ascend to heaven. Under the guidance of Buddhist temples, societies (hui, Youlanhui) are formed to carry out the necessary ceremonies—lanterns are lit, monks are invited to recite sacred verses, and offerings of fruit are made. An 8th-century Indian monk, Amoghavajra, is said to have introduced the ceremony into China, from where it was transmitted to Japan. During the Japanese festival of Bon (Obon), two altars are constructed, one to make offerings to the spirits of dead ancestors and the other to make offerings to the souls of those dead who have no peace. Odorinembutsu (the chanting of invocations accompanied by dancing and singing) and invocations to Amida are features of the Bon celebrations.
New Year and harvest festivals
New Year festivals demonstrate Buddhism’s ability to co-opt preexisting local traditions. On the occasion of the New Year, images of the Buddha in some countries are taken in procession through the streets. Worshipers visit Buddhist sanctuaries and circumambulate a stupa or a sacred image, and monks are given food and other gifts. Songkran, a New Year festival in Thailand and neighboring countries of Southeast Asia, combines Buddhist ritual practices with jubilant public water fights. One of the most remarkable examples of the absorption of a local New Year’s celebration in Buddhist practice was the Smonlam festival in Tibet, celebrated on a large scale in Lhasa until the beginning of Chinese communist rule in 1959. The festival was instituted in 1408 by Tsong-kha-pa, the founder of the Dge-lugs-pa (Gelukpa) sect, who transformed an old custom into a Buddhist festivity. Smonlam took place at the beginning of the winter thaw, when caravans began to set out once again and the hunting season was resumed. The observances included exorcistic ceremonies performed privately within each family to remove evil forces lying in wait for individuals as well as for the community as a whole. They also included propitiatory rites performed to ward off evil such as droughts, epidemics, or hail during the coming year. During the more public propitiatory rites, the sangha cooperated with the laity by invoking the merciful forces that watch over good order, and processions, fireworks, and various amusements created an atmosphere of hopefulness. Through the collaboration of the monastic community and the laity, a general reserve of good karma was accumulated to see everyone through the dangerous moment of passage from the old year to the new.
Harvest festivals also provide Buddhism an opportunity to adopt local customs and adapt them to the Buddhist calendar. The harvest festival celebrated in the Tibetan villages during the eighth lunar month was quite different from the New Year ceremonies. Most commonly, offerings of thanks were made to local deities in rites that were only externally Buddhist. The same interplay between Buddhism and folk tradition is observable elsewhere. At harvest time in Sri Lanka, for example, there is a “first fruits” ceremony that entails offering the Buddha a large bowl of milk and rice. Moreover, an integral part of the harvest celebrations in many Buddhist countries is the sacred performance of an episode in the life of a buddha or a bodhisattva. In Tibet troupes of actors specialize in performances of Buddhist legends. In Thailand the recitation of the story of Phra Wes (Pali: Vessantara) constitutes one of the most important festival events of the agricultural calendar.