Origin of the Muscovite patriarchate

At the Council of Florence, the Greek “metropolitan of Kiev and all Russia,” Isidore, was one of the major architects of the Union of Florence. Having signed the decree, he returned to Moscow in 1441 as a Roman cardinal but was rejected by both church and state, arrested, and then allowed to escape to Lithuania. In 1448, after much hesitation, the Russians received a new primate, Jonas, elected by their own bishops. Their church became autocephalous, administratively independent under a “metropolitan of all Russia,” residing in Moscow. In territories controlled by Poland, Rome (in 1458) appointed another “metropolitan of Kiev and all Russia.” The tendencies toward separation from Moscow that had existed in Ukraine since the Mongol invasion and that were supported by the kings of Poland thus received official sanction. In 1470, however, this metropolitan broke the union with the Latins and reentered—nominally—the jurisdiction of Constantinople, by then under Turkish control.

After this the fate of the two churches “of all Russia” became quite distinct. The metropolitanate of Kiev developed under the control of Roman Catholic Poland. Hard pressed by the Polish kings, the majority of its bishops, against the will of the majority of their flock, eventually accepted union with Rome at Brest-Litovsk (1596). In 1620, however, an Orthodox hierarchy was reestablished, and a Romanian nobleman, Petro Mohyla, was elected metropolitan of Kiev (1632). He suppressed the old school at Kiev that taught a curriculum based on Greco-Slavic letters and literature and created the first Orthodox theological school of the modern period, the famous Academy of Kiev. Modelled after the Latin seminaries of Poland, with instruction given in Latin, this school served as the theological training centre for almost the entire Russian high clergy in the 17th and 18th centuries. In 1686 Ukraine was finally reunited with Muscovy, and the metropolitanate of Kiev was attached to the patriarchate of Moscow, with approval given by Constantinople.

Muscovite Russia, meanwhile, had acquired the consciousness of being the last bulwark of true Orthodoxy. In 1472 Grand Prince Ivan III (reigned 1462–1505) married Sofia (Zoë), the niece of the last Byzantine emperor. The Muscovite sovereign began to use more and more of the Byzantine imperial ceremonial, and he assumed the double-headed eagle as his state emblem. In 1510 the monk Philotheus of Pskov addressed Vasily III as “tsar” (emperor), saying: “Two Romes have fallen, but the third stands, and a fourth there will not be.” The meaning of the sentence was that the first Rome was heretical, the second—Byzantium—was under Turkish control, and the third was Moscow. Ivan IV (the Terrible) was crowned emperor, according to the Byzantine ceremonial, by the metropolitan of Moscow, Makary, on Jan. 16, 1547. In 1551 he solemnly presided in Moscow over a great council of Russian bishops, the Stoglav (“Council of 100 Chapters”), in which various issues of discipline and liturgy were settled and numerous Russian saints were canonized. These obvious efforts to live up to the title of the “third Rome” lacked one final sanction: the head of the Russian church did not have the title of “patriarch.” The “tsars” of Bulgaria and Serbia did not hesitate in the past to bestow the title on their own primates, but the Russians wanted an unquestionable authentication and waited for proper opportunity. It occurred in 1589, when the patriarch of Constantinople, Jeremias II, was on a fund-raising tour of Russia. He could not resist the pressure of his hosts and established the metropolitan Job as “patriarch of Moscow and all Russia.” Confirmed later by the other Eastern patriarchs, the new patriarchate obtained the fifth place in the honorific order of the Oriental sees, after the patriarchs of Constantinople, Alexandria, Antioch, and Jerusalem.

Relations between patriarch and tsar

After the 16th century the Russian tsars always considered themselves as successors of the Byzantine emperors and the political protectors and financial supporters of Orthodoxy throughout the Balkans and the Middle East. The patriarch of Moscow, however, never pretended to occupy formally the first place among the patriarchs. Within the Muscovite empire, many traditions of medieval Byzantium were faithfully kept. A flourishing monastic movement spread the practice of Christian asceticism in the northern forests, which were both colonized and Christianized by the monks. St. Sergius of Radonezh (c. 1314–92) was the spiritual father of this monastic revival. His contemporary, St. Stephen of Perm, missionary to the Zyryan tribes, continued the tradition of Saints Cyril and Methodius, the 9th-century “apostles to the Slavs,” in translating Scripture and the liturgy into the vernacular. He was followed by numerous other missionaries who promoted Orthodox Christianity throughout Asia and even established themselves on Kodiak Island off the coast of Alaska (1794). The development of church architecture, iconography, and literature also added to the prestige of the “third Rome.”

The Muscovite empire, however, was quite different from Byzantium both in its political system and in its cultural self-understanding. The Byzantine “symphony” (harmonious relationship) between the emperor and the patriarch was never really applied in Russia. The secular goals of the Muscovite state and the will of the monarch always superseded canonical or religious considerations, which were still binding on the medieval emperors of Byzantium. Muscovite political ideology was always influenced more by the beginnings of western European secularism and by Asiatic despotism than by Roman or Byzantine law. Although strong patriarchs of Constantinople were generally able to oppose open violations of dogma and canon law by the emperors, their Russian successors were quite powerless; a single metropolitan of Moscow, St. Philip (metropolitan 1566–68), who dared to condemn the excesses of Ivan IV, was deposed and murdered.

A crisis of the “third Rome” ideology occurred in the middle of the 17th century. Nikon (reigned 1652–58), a strong patriarch, decided to restore the power and prestige of the church by declaring that the patriarchal office was superior to that of the tsar. He forced the tsar Alexis Romanov to repent for the crime of his predecessor against St. Philip and to swear obedience to the church. Simultaneously, Nikon attempted to settle a perennial issue of Russian church life: the problem of the liturgical books. Originally translated from the Greek, the books suffered many corruptions through the centuries and contained numerous mistakes. In addition, the different historical developments in Russia and in the Middle East had led to differences between the liturgical practices of the Russians and the Greeks. Nikon’s solution was to order the exact compliance of all the Russian practices with the contemporary Greek equivalents. His liturgical reform led to a major schism in the church. The Russian masses had taken seriously the idea that Moscow was the last refuge of Orthodoxy. They wondered why Russia had to accept the practices of the Greeks, who had betrayed Orthodoxy in Florence and had been justly punished by God, in their view, by becoming captives of the infidel Turks. The reformist decrees of the patriarch were rejected by millions of lower clergy and laity who constituted the Raskol, or schism of the “Old Believers.” Nikon was ultimately deposed for his opposition to the tsar, but his liturgical reforms were confirmed by a great council of the church that met in the presence of two Eastern patriarchs (1666–67).

In Greece

In 1821 the Greek revolution against the Turks was officially proclaimed by the metropolitan of Old Patras, Germanos. The patriarchate, being the official Turkish-sponsored organ for the administration of the Christians, issued statements condemning and even anathematizing the revolutionaries. These statements, however, failed to convince anyone, least of all the Turkish government, which on Easter Day in 1821 had the ecumenical (Constantinopolitan) patriarch Gregory V hanged from the main gate of the patriarchal residence as a public example. Numerous other Greek clergy were executed in the provinces. After this tragedy the official loyalty of the patriarchate was, of course, doubly secured. Unable either to communicate with the patriarchate or to recognize its excommunications, the bishops of liberated Greece gathered in Návplion and established themselves as the synod of an autocephalous church (1833). The ecclesiastical regime adopted in Greece was modelled after that of Russia: a collective state body, the Holy Synod, was to govern the church under strict government control. In 1850 the patriarchate, forced to recognize what was by then a fait accompli, granted a charter of autocephaly (tómos) to the new Church of Greece.

In Serbia

The independence of Serbia led in 1832 to the recognition of Serbian ecclesiastical autonomy. In 1879 the Serbian church was recognized by Constantinople as autocephalous under the primacy of the metropolitan of Belgrade. This church, however, covered only the territory of what was called “old Serbia.” The small state of Montenegro, always independent from the Turks, had its own metropolitan in Cetinje. This prelate, who was also the civil and military leader of the nation, was consecrated either in Austria or, as in the case of the famous bishop-poet Pyotr II Negosh, in St. Petersburg (1833).

In the Austro-Hungarian Empire two autocephalous churches, with jurisdiction over Serbs, Romanians, and other Slavs, were in existence during the second half of the century. These were the patriarchate of Sremski-Karlovci (Karlowitz), established in 1848, which governed all the Orthodox in the Kingdom of Hungary; and the metropolitanate of Czernowitz (now Chernovtsy) in Bukovina, which after 1873 also exercised jurisdiction over two Serbian dioceses (Zara and Kotor) in Dalmatia. The Serbian dioceses of Bosnia and Herzegovina, acquired by Austria in 1878, remained autonomous but were never completely independent from Constantinople.

In Romania

The creation of an independent Romania—after centuries of foreign control by Bulgarians, Turks, Greek-Phanariots, and, more recently, Russians—led in 1865 to the self-proclamation of the Romanian church as an autocephalous church, even against the violent protests of the Phanar. The new Romanian church was under the strict control of a pro-Western government. Prince Alexandru Cuza secularized the monasteries, and Constantinople recognized the Romanian autocephaly under the metropolitan of Bucharest (1885). The Romanians of Transylvania, still in Austria-Hungary, remained under the autocephalous metropolitan of Sibiu and others under the church of Czernowitz.

In Bulgaria

The reestablishment of the church of Bulgaria eventually was secured, but not without tragedy and even a schism. The issue of reestablishing the autocephalous church arose at a time when both Greek and Bulgarian populations lived side by side in Macedonia, Thrace, and Constantinople itself, though still within the framework of the Ottoman imperial system. After the Turkish conquest, and especially in the 17th and 18th centuries, the Bulgarians were governed by Greek bishops and were often prevented from worshipping in Slavonic. This enforced policy of Hellenization was rejected in the 19th century when Bulgarians began to claim not only a native clergy but also equal representation on the higher echelons of the Christian millet—i.e., the offices of the patriarchate. These claims were met with firm resistance by the Greeks. The alternative was a national Bulgarian church, which was created by a sultan’s firman (decree) in 1870. The new church was to be governed by its own Bulgarian exarch, who resided in Constantinople and governed all the Bulgarians who recognized him. The new situation was uncanonical because it sanctioned the existence of two separate ecclesiastical structures on the same territory. Ecumenical Patriarch Anthimus VI convened a synod in Constantinople, which also included the Greek patriarchs of Alexandria and Jerusalem (1872). The council condemned phyletism—the national or ethnic principle in church organization—and excommunicated the Bulgarians, who were certainly not alone guilty of phyletism. This schism lasted until 1945, when a reconciliation took place with full recognition of Bulgarian autocephaly within the limits of the Bulgarian state. A Bulgarian patriarch was elected in 1961.

After their liberation from the Turkish yoke, the Balkan churches freely developed both their national identities and their religious life. Theological faculties, generally following German models, were created in Athens, Belgrade (in Yugoslavia), Sofia (in Bulgaria), and Bucharest (in Romania). The Romanian church introduced the full cycle of the liturgical offices in vernacular Romanian. But these positive developments were often marred by nationalistic rivalries. In condemning phyletism, the synod of Constantinople (1872) had in fact defined a basic problem of modern Orthodoxy.