Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf
News •
Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI), political party of Pakistan founded in 1996 by Imran Khan, a popular cricketer and philanthropist, with the goals of fighting corruption and promoting social welfare. After becoming the second largest party in the 2013 legislative elections, Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) became one of the most prominent political players in the country’s politics.
Founding and political orientation
The PTI was founded to address dissatisfaction among Pakistan’s primary ruling entities, including the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N), the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP), and the armed forces. Khan, who had retired from cricket in 1992 at the height of his celebrity, was deeply affected by the red tape involved in pursuing his philanthropic efforts, including the bureaucratic difficulty he encountered in opening a hospital for cancer patients in 1994. As the country became increasingly polarized amid a public scandal involving Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto’s family, Khan founded the party on April 25, 1996. Just days before the official announcement of the party’s launch, his hospital for cancer patients was the target of a bombing.
The party was populist in nature: while condemning government corruption, it aimed to improve the standard of living across Pakistan and called for increasing the rights of women and religious minorities. But it did not necessarily gain traction from the grassroots. In many ways, the party served as a political vehicle for Khan, and from the time of its launch it was vague on how it aimed to achieve the ambiguous goals outlined in its platform. The party had virtually no following in the first decade of its existence. Indeed, it gained only one seat in the National Assembly in 2002, and that was occupied by Khan himself.
Rise to prominence
From 1999 to 2008 Pakistan was under the authority of Pervez Musharraf, a military officer who had taken power in a coup. While the PTI had little support before the coup, matters improved for the party after the country returned to civilian rule and electoral competition was restored. By the end of Musharraf’s presidency, the modes of communication (and political organization) were radically transforming as mobile telephones became commonplace and offered widespread access to the Internet. The PTI successfully mobilized support through social media campaigns, and in October 2011 it organized its first mass rally (jalsa), in Lahore, Pakistan’s largest city.
While the party had previously focused on issues of infrastructure and justice, it now took a more vocal stance against Pakistan’s reliance on foreign actors. Its rhetoric resounded especially after years of military rule during which the U.S.-led Afghanistan War (2001–14) had had an outsized impact on policy in the country. Moreover, the party’s nuanced approach to dealing with the Afghan Taliban garnered support from the country’s Pashtuns, who had been disproportionately affected by military activity along the northern borderlands.
By the time general elections were held in 2013, Khan had become one of the most popular political figures in Pakistan and had recruited the support of several veteran politicians. In addition to winning a handful of seats in the National Assembly, the PTI won a majority of the legislative seats in the predominantly Pashtun province of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and was able to form a government there.
The PTI gained a reputation for reform in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa even as the central government, under the premiership of the embroiled Nawaz Sharif, became mired in scandal. The PTI’s policies in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa had improved accountability in the province by increasing transparency and giving citizens greater access to legal recourse. Medical services and public education had also improved under the party’s tenure. By contrast, Sharif was linked in 2016 to shell companies abroad, and in 2017 he was disqualified by Pakistan’s Supreme Court from holding public office. Although Khan was also found to be holding assets abroad—after very publicly promising to “keep all my wealth in Pakistan”—he was not disqualified, and the PTI swept to power in 2018 amid a wave of antiestablishment sentiment.
Government of Imran Khan
The PTI government, in power from August 2018 to April 2022 under Khan’s premiership, faced formidable domestic challenges. It inherited a balance-of-payments crisis, spurred by enormous debt commitments, such as those imposed by the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) initiative. The COVID-19 pandemic, which began in early 2020, added to the financial stress as the PTI remained hesitant to implement lockdowns and soaring infections placed tremendous strain on the health care system. Meanwhile, after India launched a brief air assault on Pakistan in February 2019 over the latter’s alleged provision of safe havens for militants seeking to end Indian administration in parts of Kashmir, Khan stirred controversy by carrying out a crackdown on suspected militants and closing religious schools for alleged indoctrination.
Khan attempted to reorient Pakistan’s foreign policy. He tried to court foreign aid and investment from an increasingly wide range of countries and under favourable conditions, hoping to reduce Pakistan’s reliance on any particular foreign entity. Meanwhile, he became an arbiter between the Taliban and the United States, which helped bring about the 2021 withdrawal of U.S. troops from Afghanistan as well as improved relations between Pakistan and the Taliban. Controversially, just hours after Russia invaded Ukraine in February 2022, Khan attended a long-planned meeting with Russian Pres. Vladimir Putin as much of the world was seeking to isolate the bellicose leader.
Pakistan’s ailing economy and the government’s crackdown on militants polarized the PTI’s supporters and critics, while the government’s attempt to steer foreign policy independently of the country’s armed forces unsettled its relationship with the military establishment. To make matters worse for the party, in October 2021 Khan attempted to influence the appointment of the chief of Pakistan’s Inter-Service Intelligence (ISI) directorate, stoking additional animosity from the armed forces. In March 2022 the political opposition in the National Assembly moved to hold a vote of confidence in Khan’s government. On April 10 he was removed from office after a handful of Assembly members from the PTI refused to vote in his favour.
Crackdown on the PTI
Pakistan remained polarized even after the opposition took the reins. In July—only months after Khan had been ousted from the premiership—the PTI won most of the contested seats in an election in Punjab, the country’s largest province and traditionally a stronghold for the ruling PML-N party. As the PTI gained renewed momentum, however, Khan began facing a slew of legal challenges. In October he was barred from holding public office for several years after the election commission found that he sold state gifts and concealed assets while prime minister. In November, as emotions in the country mounted, he was shot in the leg in an assassination attempt.
Khan repeatedly asserted that a military officer was responsible for November’s assassination attempt, an accusation that the military publicly dismissed as “highly irresponsible and baseless” on May 8 after Khan had made the claim at a recent rally. As Khan appeared for court hearings in Islamabad on May 9, he was taken into custody by dozens of paramilitary officers for lack of cooperation in ongoing corruption investigations. The dramatic arrest prompted demonstrations and violence directed toward military installations and government buildings by Khan’s supporters. The PTI was subsequently subjected to a crackdown, media coverage and Internet access were temporarily restricted, and dozens of prominent members of the party defected.
In January 2024, just a month before elections were set to take place, the Supreme Court upheld an earlier decision by the electoral commission to prohibit the PTI from appearing formally on the ballot, claiming that there were irregularities in internal elections for the party. When elections were held in February, the PTI’s candidates ran as independents and the party again gained the largest share of the National Assembly’s directly elected seats. It fell short of the number of seats needed to form a government on its own, however, and the PML-N was able to form a government with the support of the PPP. The PTI also attempted to gain seats proportionally allocated to political parties by having its independent parliamentarians register with a small party, Sunni Ittehad Council (SIC), but the electoral commission determined that the SIC had not submitted a list of candidates in time to claim seats. After all the seats were allocated, representatives from the PML-N outnumbered those from the PTI in the National Assembly, despite the PTI winning a larger number of elections.