Diplomacy of the Roman Catholic Church
As Byzantium crumbled, the West revived. Indeed, even in its period of greatest weakness, the Roman Catholic Church conducted an active diplomacy, especially at Constantinople and in its 13th-century struggle against the Holy Roman emperors. Popes served as arbiters, and papal legates served as peacemakers. The prestige of the church was such that, at every court, papal emissaries took precedence over secular envoys, a tradition that continues in countries where Roman Catholicism is the official religion. The Roman emphasis on the sanctity of legates became part of canon law, and church lawyers developed increasingly elaborate rules governing the status, privileges, and conduct of papal envoys, rules that were adapted later for secular use. Still later, rules devised for late medieval church councils provided guidelines for modern international conferences.
From the 6th century, both legates and (lesser-ranking) nuncii (messengers) carried letters of credence to assure the rulers to whom they were accredited of the extent of their authority as agents of the pope, a practice later adopted for lay envoys. A nuncius (English: nuncio) was a messenger who represented and acted legally for the pope; nuncii could negotiate draft agreements but could not commit the pope without referral. In time, the terms legate and nuncius came to be used for the diplomatic representatives of secular rulers as well as the pope. By the 12th century the secular use of nuncii as diplomatic agents was commonplace.
When diplomacy was confined to nearby states and meetings of rulers were easily arranged, a visiting messenger such as the nuncius sufficed. However, as trade revived, negotiations at a distance became increasingly common. Envoys no longer could refer the details of negotiations to their masters on a timely basis. They therefore needed the discretionary authority to decide matters on their own. To meet this need, in the 12th century the concept of a procurator with plena potens (full powers) was revived from Roman civil law. This plenipotentiary could negotiate and conclude an agreement, but, unlike a nuncius, he could not represent his principal ceremonially. As a result, one emissary was often given both offices.
Venice
At the end of the 12th century, the term ambassador appeared, initially in Italy. Derived from the medieval Latin ambactiare, meaning “to go on a mission,” the term was used to describe various envoys, some of whom were not agents of sovereigns. Common in both Italy and France in the 13th century, it first appeared in English in 1374 in Troilus and Criseyde by Geoffrey Chaucer. By the late 15th century, the envoys of secular rulers were commonly called ambassadors, though the papacy continued to send legates and nuncii. Each ambassador carried a letter of credence, though he could not commit his principal unless granted plenipotentiary authority.
The Crusades and the revival of trade increased Europe’s contact with the eastern Mediterranean and West Asia. Venice’s location afforded that leading Italian city-state early ties with Constantinople, from which it absorbed major elements of the Byzantine diplomatic system. On the basis of Byzantine precedents, Venice gave its envoys written instructions, a practice otherwise unknown in the West, and established a systematic archive. (The Venetian archives contain a registry of all diplomatic documents from 883.) Venice later developed an extensive diplomacy on the Byzantine model, which emphasized the reporting of conditions in the host country. Initially, returning Venetian envoys presented their relazione (final report) orally, but, beginning in the 15th century, such reports were presented in writing. Other Italian city-states, followed by France and Spain, copied Venetian diplomatic methods and style.
The Renaissance to 1815
The development of Italian diplomacy
It is unclear which Italian city-state had the first permanent envoy. In the late Middle Ages and early Renaissance period, most embassies were temporary, lasting from three months to two years. As early as the late 14th and early 15th centuries, however, Venice, Milan, and Mantua sent resident envoys to each other, to the popes, and to the Holy Roman emperors. At this time, envoys generally did not travel with their wives (who were assumed to be indiscreet), but their missions usually employed cooks for purposes of hospitality and to avoid being poisoned. Resident embassies became the norm in Italy in the late 15th century, and after 1500 the practice spread northward. A permanent Milanese envoy to the French court of Louis XI arrived in 1463 and was later joined by a Venetian representative. Ambassadors served a variety of roles, including reporting events to their government and negotiating with their hosts. In addition, they absorbed the role of commercial consuls, who were not then diplomatic agents.
Italy’s early economic revival, geographic location, and small size fostered the creation of a European state system in microcosm. As the peninsula was fully organized into states, wars were frequent, and the maintenance of an equilibrium (“balance of power”) necessitated constant diplomatic interaction. Whereas meetings of rulers aroused expectations and were considered risky, unobtrusive diplomacy by resident envoys was deemed safer and more effective. Thus, the system of permanent agents took root, with members of the upper middle class or younger sons of great families serving as envoys.
Rome became the centre of Italian diplomacy and of intrigue, information gathering, and spying. Popes received ambassadors but did not send them. The papal court had the first organized diplomatic corps: the popes addressed the envoys jointly, seated them as a group for ceremonies, and established rules for their collective governance.
As resident missions became the norm, ceremonial and social occasions came to dominate the relations between diplomats and their hosts, especially because the dignity of the sovereign being represented was at stake. Papal envoys took precedence over those of temporal rulers. Beyond that there was little agreement on the relative status of envoys, and there was frequent strife. Pope Julius II established a list of precedence in 1504, but this did not solve the problem. Spain did not accept inferiority to France; power fluctuated among the states; papal power declined; and the Protestant revolt complicated matters—not least regarding the pope’s own position. By the 16th century the title of ambassador was being used only for envoys of crowned heads and the republic of Venice. Latin remained the international language of diplomacy.
The French invasion of 1494 confronted the Italian states with intervention by a power greater than any within their own state system. They were driven to substitute subtle diplomacy and expedient, if short-lived, compromise for the force they lacked. This tendency, plus their enthusiasm for diplomatic nuances and the 16th-century writings of Niccolò Machiavelli, gave Italian diplomacy a reputation for being devious. But it was no more so than that of other states, and Machiavelli, himself a Florentine diplomat, argued that an envoy needed integrity, reliability, and honesty, along with tact and skill in the use of occasional equivocation and selective abridgment of aspects of the truth unfavourable to his cause—views seconded since by virtually every authority.