The United Nations, founded in 1945 after World War II and the Holocaust, was created principally to maintain international peace and security and to encourage and promote respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms. The Charter of the United Nations confirms these two purposes and begins its recognition of the second by reaffirming a

faith in fundamental human rights, in the dignity and worth of the human person, in the equal rights of men and women and of nations large and small.

It states that the purposes of the UN are, among other things:

to develop friendly relations among nations based on respect for the principle of equal rights and self-determination of peoples…[and] to achieve international co-operation…in promoting and encouraging respect for human rights and for fundamental freedoms for all without distinction as to race, sex, language, or religion.

In addition, in two key articles, “all members pledge themselves to take joint and separate action in co-operation with the Organization for the achievement of” these and related purposes.

It must be noted, however, that a proposal to ensure the protection (i.e., enforcement) of human rights as distinct from their promotion (i.e., advocacy) was explicitly rejected at the Charter-drafting San Francisco conference establishing the UN. Accordingly, while providing for the UN Security Council to enforce the UN’s first primary purpose (maintaining international peace and security), the drafters did not specify a comparable body to give teeth to its second primary purpose (promoting human rights and fundamental freedoms). Also, the Charter expressly provides that nothing in it “shall authorize the United Nations to intervene in matters which are essentially within the domestic jurisdiction of any state,” except upon a Security Council finding of a “threat to the peace, breach of the peace, or act of aggression.” Furthermore, though typical of major constitutive instruments, the Charter is conspicuously given to generality and vagueness in its human rights clauses, among others.

Thus, not surprisingly, the reconciliation of the Charter’s human rights provisions with the history of its drafting and its “domestic jurisdiction” clause has given rise to legal and political controversy. Some authorities have argued that, in becoming parties to the Charter, states accept no more than a nebulous promotional obligation toward human rights and that, in any event, the UN has no standing to insist on human rights safeguards in member states. Others have insisted that the Charter’s human rights provisions, being part of a legally binding treaty, clearly involve some element of legal obligation; that the “pledge” made by states upon becoming party to the Charter consequently represents more than a moral statement; and that the domestic jurisdiction clause does not apply, because human rights can be considered no longer a matter “essentially within the domestic jurisdiction” of states.

When all is said and done, however, it is clear from the actual practice of the UN that the problem of resolving these opposing contentions has proved less formidable than the statements of governments and the opinions of scholars would suggest. Neither the Charter’s drafting history nor its domestic jurisdiction clause—nor, indeed, its generality and vagueness in respect of human rights—has prevented the UN from investigating, discussing, and evaluating specific human rights situations. Nor have they prevented it from taking concrete action in relation to them—at least not in the case of “a consistent pattern of gross violations,” as in the Security Council’s imposition of a mandatory arms embargo against South Africa in 1977 and its authorization of the use of military force to end human rights abuses in Somalia and Haiti in the early 1990s.

In 2003 the Security Council intervened in a civil war in Côte d’Ivoire by authorizing a military peacekeeping force—an action that, with the help of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), led ultimately to the ouster of an electorally defeated presidential incumbent (Laurent Gbagbo) and the reestablishment of public order under a newly elected president (Alassane Ouattara). Additionally, during the Libya Revolt of 2011, a civil war fought between forces loyal to Colonel Muammar al-Qaddafi and those seeking to oust his government, the Security Council authorized UN member states to establish and enforce a no-fly zone over Libya and to use “all necessary measures” to prevent attacks on civilians.

In 2005 the member states of the United Nations recognized the principle of the “responsibility to protect” (often called R2P). Under this principle, states have a responsibility to protect their civilian populations against genocide and other mass human rights atrocities. If they fail to do so, according to the R2P principle, states forfeit their sovereign immunity, and the international community is responsible for using appropriate diplomatic, humanitarian, and other means to protect the populations being victimized—and to this end, in accordance with the UN Charter, to be prepared to take collective action in their defense.

The R2P principle was controversial because it contradicted the long-established principle of state sovereignty. It was invoked by the UN Security Council to authorize military interventions in a second civil war in Côte d’Ivoire (2010), in Libya (2011), and in other countries. However, in 2013 the international community’s resistance to U.S. plans to launch missile strikes against Syria in retaliation for that country’s alledged use of internationally prohibited chemical weapons against its own population added significant doubt to the already controversial assertion that the R2P principle, however warranted morally, is a legally binding principle.

Of course, governments usually are protective of their sovereignty, or domestic jurisdiction. Also, the UN organs responsible for the promotion and protection of human rights suffer from most of the same disabilities that afflict the UN as a whole, in particular, the absence of supranational authority, the presence of divisive power politics, and the imposition of crippling financial constraints by member states (most notably the United States). Hence, it cannot be expected that UN actions in defense of human rights will be, normally, either swift or categorically effective. Indeed, many serious UN efforts at human rights implementation have been deliberately thwarted by the major powers. In 1999, for example, opposition by China and Russia prevented the Security Council from agreeing on forceful measures to end ethnic cleansing by Yugoslav and Serbian forces in Kosovo, prompting the United States and other members of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) to take matters into their own hands through a massive bombing campaign against Serbian targets. Assuming some political will, however, the legal obstacles to UN enforcement of human rights are not insurmountable.

From the beginning, four of the six principal organs of the United Nations (the General Assembly, the Economic and Social Council [ECOSOC], the Trusteeship Council, and the Secretariat) shared responsibility for the encouragement and promotion of human rights—although, as the UN’s history bears witness, the Security Council and the International Court of Justice (World Court) have been called into protective human rights service in special circumstances from time to time. Primary responsibility for the advancement of human rights under the UN Charter rests, however, in the General Assembly (the UN’s main deliberative body) and, under its authority, in its Social, Humanitarian and Cultural Affairs Committee (commonly referred to as the “Third Committee”), the Human Rights Council (which replaced the former Commission on Human Rights in 2006), and the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights. ECOSOC’s responsibility for human rights (though diminished when the former Commission on Human Rights under its authority was replaced by the Human Rights Council under the jurisdiction of the General Assembly) extends to several other commissions, such as the Commission on the Status of Women, the Commission for Social Development, and the Commission on Crime Prevention and Criminal Justice, as well as UN specialized agencies such as the International Labor Organization and the World Health Organization. The Trusteeship Council suspended operations in November 1994 following the independence of Palau, the last remaining UN trust territory. The Secretariat facilitates and administers many human rights policies and programs by virtue of its multifaceted day-to-day work on behalf of the United Nations as a whole, including working closely with each of the UN’s principal organs.