The first field tactics that proved capable of countering the knight were built around the bow and the crossbow. Both might be used either in difficult terrain or from behind some artificial obstacle such as pits (as at Bannockburn in 1314), stakes (as at Crécy in 1346, Poitiers in 1356, and Agincourt in 1415), or a trench dug in the earth. The bow in its most powerful form, the longbow, was a cheap, low-class weapon originally associated with primitive social organizations such as the Welsh tribes. The crossbow, a much more expensive and sophisticated weapon, was typically employed by urban militias and mercenaries. The two weapons’ technical characteristics were somewhat different, especially as regards the crossbow’s shorter range, lower rate of fire, and greater penetrating power; as a result, they were seldom seen side by side in the same battle. However, both were capable of defeating armour, even the heavy plate worn toward the close of the Middle Ages, and were therefore useful against knights when properly employed. Proper employment meant selecting suitable positions and forming long, thin formations, sometimes in the form of a shallow W in order to trap attackers and enfilade them. Because formations such as these were difficult to move from place to place, they and the weapons on which they were based were better suited for the defense than for the offense.

(Read Sir Walter Scott’s 1824 Britannica essay on chivalry.)

This particular disadvantage was not shared by two other nonchivalrous weapons, the halberd and pike. Pikes were used by the Scots against Edward I at Falkirk in 1298 and by the Flemish against French chivalry at Courtrai in 1302. Subsequently they became the specialty of the Swiss, who, for topographical and economic reasons, never had much use for horses and knightly trappings. A Haufe (German: “heap”) of Swiss infantry had much in common with a Macedonian phalanx, except that it was smaller and more maneuverable. Most of the troops seem to have been lightly armoured, wearing helmet and corselet but not being burdened by either greaves or shield. Hence, they possessed good mobility and formidable striking power. The first shock would be delivered by the pikes sticking out in front, after which the halberdiers would leave formation to do their deadly work. The Swiss differed from the Macedonians in that they did not combine the phalanx with cavalry but relied on infantry for both fixing the enemy and striking him. Usually they entered battle in three columns moving independently, thus permitting a variety of maneuvers as well as mutual support. An enemy could be engaged from the front, then hit in the flank by a second Haufe following the first in echelon formation.

Though it is hard to be certain, apparently the hard-marching Swiss possessed sufficient operational mobility to keep up with cavalry, at any rate in confined terrain such as Alpine valleys. If the worst occurred and an isolated column was caught in the open, the troops could always form a square or hedgehog, facing outward in all directions while keeping up a steady fire from their crossbows and relying on their pikes to keep the opposing horse at a respectful distance until help arrived. Whereas the Scots inhabited a northern wilderness, the Swiss were located in the centre of Europe, and, whereas the Flemish went down in front of French chivalry at Roosebeke in 1382, the Swiss won a series of spectacular victories at Morgarten (1315), Laupen (1339), Sempach (1386), and Granson (1476). These two factors combined to give Swiss tactics a reputation in Europe. From about 1450 to 1550, every leading prince either hired Swiss troops or set up units, such as the German Landsknechte, that imitated their weapons and methods—helping to bring down the entire feudal order.

Inferiority of medieval tactics

Compared to the most powerful ancient armies, however, even late medieval ones were impermanent and weak. Numbers never approached those fielded during Hellenistic and Roman times: it was a mighty medieval prince who could assemble 20,000 men (of whom perhaps 5,000 would be knights), and most forces were much smaller. Apart from the stirrup, an invention whose importance may have been exaggerated by modern historians, no important advances took place in military technology. Consequently, tactics tended to repeat themselves in cycles rather than undergo sustained, secular development—as was to become the case after 1500 and, above all, after 1830. If only because medieval discipline was often lax and organization usually elementary, sophisticated tactical maneuvers such as those which characterized the armies of Alexander, his Hellenistic successors, and the Romans at their best were few and far between. Otherwise put, the knightly system of making war was much more individualistic than its classical predecessors; had the two been pitted against each other, the earlier forms would likely have overcome the later.