Politics of Noam Chomsky

Chomsky’s political views seem to be supported to some extent by his approach to the study of language and mind, which implies that the capacity for creativity is an important element of human nature. Chomsky often notes, however, that there is only an “abstract” connection between his theories of language and his politics. A close connection would have to be based on a fully developed science of human nature, through which fundamental human needs could be identified or deduced. But there is nothing like such a science. Even if there were, the connection would additionally depend on the assumption that the best form of political organization is one that maximizes the satisfaction of human needs. And then there would remain the question of what practical measures should be implemented to satisfy those needs. Clearly, questions such as this cannot be settled by scientific means.

Although Chomsky was always interested in politics, he did not become publicly involved in it until 1964, when he felt compelled to lend his voice to protests against the U.S. role in the Vietnam War (or, as he prefers to say, the U.S. invasion of Vietnam), at no small risk to his career and his personal safety. He has argued that the Vietnam War was only one in a series of cases in which the United States used its military power to gain or consolidate economic control over increasingly larger areas of the developing world. In the same vein, he regards the domestic political scene of the United States and other major capitalist countries as theatres in which major corporations and their elite managers strive to protect and enhance their economic privileges and political power.

In democracies like the United States, in which the compliance of ordinary citizens cannot be guaranteed by force, this effort requires a form of “propaganda”: the powerful must make ordinary citizens believe that vesting economic control of society in the hands of a tiny minority of the population is to their benefit. Part of this project involves enlisting the help of “intellectuals”—the class of individuals (primarily journalists and academics) who collect, disseminate, and interpret political and economic information for the public. Regrettably, Chomsky argues, this task has proved remarkably easy.

As a responsible (rather than mercenary) member of the intellectual class, Chomsky believes that it is his obligation to provide ordinary citizens with the information they needed to draw their own conclusions and to make their own decisions about vital political and economic issues. As he wrote in Powers and Prospects (1996),

The responsibility of the writer as a moral agent is to try to bring the truth about matters of human significance to an audience that can do something about them.

In one of his first political essays, “The Responsibility of Intellectuals” (1967), Chomsky presented case after case in which intellectuals in positions of power, including prominent journalists, failed to tell the truth or deliberately lied to the public in order to conceal the aims and consequences of the United States’ involvement in the Vietnam War. In their two-volume work The Political Economy of Human Rights (1979) and later in Manufacturing Consent: The Political Economy of the Mass Media (1988), Chomsky and the economist Edward Herman analyzed the reporting of journalists in the mainstream (i.e., corporate-owned) media on the basis of statistically careful studies of historical and contemporary examples. Their work provided striking evidence of selection, skewing of data, filtering of information, and outright invention in support of assumptions that helped to justify the controlling influence of corporations in U.S. foreign policy and domestic politics.

The studies in these and other works made use of paired examples to show how very similar events can be reported in very different ways, depending upon whether and how state and corporate interests may be affected. In The Political Economy of Human Rights, for example, Chomsky and Herman compared reporting on Indonesia’s military invasion and occupation of East Timor with reporting on the behaviour of the communist Khmer Rouge regime in Cambodia. The events in the two cases took place in approximately the same part of the world and at approximately the same time (the mid- to late 1970s). As a proportion of population, the number of East Timorese tortured and murdered by the Indonesian military was approximately the same as the number of Cambodians tortured and murdered by the Khmer Rouge. And yet the mainstream media in the United States devoted much more attention to the second case (more than 1,000 column inches in the New York Times) than to the first (about 70 column inches). Moreover, reporting on the actions of the Khmer Rouge contained many clear cases of exaggeration and fabrication, whereas reporting on the actions of Indonesia portrayed them as essentially benign. In the case of the Khmer Rouge, however, exaggerated reports of atrocities aided efforts by the United States to maintain the Cold War and to protect and expand its access to the region’s natural resources (including East Timorese oil deposits) through client states. Indonesia, on the other hand, was just such a state, heavily supported by U.S. military and economic aid. Although ordinary Americans were not in a position to do anything about the Khmer Rouge, they were capable of doing something about their country’s support for Indonesia, in particular by voting their government out of office. But the media’s benign treatment of the invasion made it extremely unlikely that they would be motivated to do so. According to Chomsky, this and many other examples demonstrate that prominent journalists and other intellectuals in the United States function essentially as “commissars” on behalf of elite interests. As he wrote in Necessary Illusions (1988):

The media serve the interests of state and corporate power, which are closely interlinked, framing their reporting and analysis in a manner supportive of established privilege and limiting debate and discussion accordingly.

Some of Chomsky’s critics have claimed that his political and media studies portray journalists as actively engaged in a kind of conspiracy—an extremely unlikely conspiracy, of course, given the degree of coordination and control it would require. Chomsky’s response is simply that the assumption of conspiracy is unnecessary. The behaviour of journalists in the mainstream media is exactly what one would expect, on average, given the power structure of the institutions in which they are employed, and it is predictable in the same sense and for the same reasons that the behaviour of the president of General Motors is predictable. In order to succeed—in order to be hired and promoted—media personnel must avoid questioning the interests of the corporations they work for or the interests of the elite minority who run those corporations. Because journalists naturally do not wish to think of themselves as mercenaries (no one does), they engage in what amounts to a form of self-deception. They typically think of themselves as stalwart defenders of the truth (as suggested by the slogan of the New York Times, “All the news that’s fit to print”), but when state or corporate interests are at stake they act otherwise, in crucially important ways. In short, very few of them are willing or even able to live up to their responsibility as intellectuals to bring the truth about matters of human significance to an audience that can do something about them.