After independence was proclaimed, Diori set up a single-party dictatorship and ruled until he was toppled in a coup in 1974. There followed a military dictatorship headed first by Seyni Kountché (until his death in 1987) and then by Ali Seibou. Mahamane Ousmane of the Social Democratic Convention became president in the country’s first multiparty presidential elections in 1993. Meanwhile, a Tuareg rebellion that had begun in the northern part of the country in the early 1990s gained momentum until a cease-fire agreement in 1995 ended much of the fighting. Ousmane was ousted in 1996 during a military coup led by Col. Ibrahim Baré Maïnassara. After a brief period of military rule, Maïnassara was elected president in elections marred by anomalies. Maïnassara’s administration was not well-received, and in 1999 he was assassinated during a coup that was followed by a nine-month transitional government led by Maj. Daouda Malam Wanké and the National Reconciliation Council (Conseil de Reconciliation Nationale; CRN).

Later that year a new constitution was promulgated and elections were held, leading to the subsequent return to democratic government under Pres. Mamadou Tandja of the National Movement for a Developing Society–Nassara (Mouvement National pour une Société de Développement–Nassara; MNSD).

At the beginning of the 21st century, increasing demand for the adoption of Islamic Sharīʿah law was the root of much conflict between Islamic activists and Nigeriens who were not in favour of the strict religious code. Niger struggled to maintain its fragile peace as well as to improve its dismal economic situation. Tandja’s leadership was widely credited with bringing political stability to Niger, and he was reelected in 2004.

The issue of slavery—still prevalent in Niger and other West African countries despite the fact that it is illegal—was brought to the forefront in 2008 when the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) Court of Justice found the Nigerien government guilty of failing to protect a woman from slavery by not enforcing the country’s antislavery laws. Activists hailed the verdict as a historic human rights victory and hoped that the ruling would encourage the enforcement of antislavery laws not only in Niger but also in other West African countries bound by the ECOWAS ruling.

2009 constitutional crisis

Under the two-term limit prescribed in the constitution, Tandja was scheduled to step down from office in December 2009. However, in the period leading up to the 2009 presidential election, the issue of a third term for Tandja was a source of contention between the president and the other branches of government. Tandja’s goal was to extend his rule for another three years, during which time a new constitution would be drafted that would move the country from a semi-presidential republic to a full presidential republic; he also cited the need for his continued leadership because of various economic development projects that were not yet complete. To extend his rule, Tandja requested that a referendum be held to change the constitution to allow for the three-year extension of his term, which the National Assembly refused to approve. He then took his request for the referendum to the country’s Constitutional Court, but on May 26 the court issued a nonbinding ruling that the referendum would be unconstitutional without the approval of the National Assembly; later that day Tandja dissolved the legislative body. In early June Tandja created a committee to draft a new constitution, which would provide for the three-year extension of his rule and would remove presidential term limits. On June 5 a presidential decree called for a referendum on this new constitution to be held on August 4.

Tandja’s actions elicited widespread discontent in the country as well as in the international community. Strikes and demonstrations were held to protest against the upcoming referendum. A coalition of many political parties and civil groups, calling themselves the Front for Defence of Democracy (FDD), challenged the presidential decree before the Constitutional Court, and the resulting court ruling on June 12 annulled the presidential decree, declaring that the referendum could not be held without the approval of the now-dissolved National Assembly; this ruling, unlike the court’s previous one, was legally binding. Tandja requested that the Constitutional Court rescind its ruling, but it was upheld by the court on June 26. Tandja responded later that day by announcing that he had assumed emergency powers and declaring his intent to rule by decree. Three days later he dissolved the Constitutional Court.

Tandja was not swayed by the increasing criticism of his actions, the accusations that he was circumventing the democratic process, or the pressure from international donors (some of whom threatened to withhold economic aid unless the democratic process was restored). The referendum was held as scheduled on August 4, although opposition leaders urged voters to boycott it. Official results indicated that more than 92 percent of the voters approved the referendum, and Tandja would thus be able to remain in power for an additional three years after the scheduled end of his term in December 2009.

On October 20 an election was held to replace the National Assembly that Tandja had dissolved in May. The election was boycotted by the opposition and was the target of international criticism. In the days prior, ECOWAS exhorted Tandja to postpone the election until talks could be held with the opposition; when its call went unheeded and the election took place as scheduled, ECOWAS suspended Niger’s membership in the organization. Election results were announced several days later and indicated that Tandja’s party, the MNSD, won a majority of the seats.