- Also called:
- Afrasian languages
- Formerly:
- Hamito-Semitic, Semito-Hamitic, or Erythraean languages
Afro-Asiatic languages are characterized by a “root and pattern” system in which the basic meaning of a word is manifested in the consonants alone. The sequence of vowels, which is known as the pattern, adds grammatical information and may modify the basic lexical meaning of the root, sometimes in combination with prefixes or suffixes. The root k-t-b-, which means ‘write’ in Arabic, provides illuminating examples: adding the vowel pattern -a-a-a yields the form kataba ‘he has written,’ while the zero-initial pattern Ø-u(-Ø) plus the prefix ya- and the suffix -u yields ya-ktub-u ‘he is writing.’
It is no coincidence that the West Semitic quasi-alphabets, which developed in the 2nd millennium bce and from which all later Afro-Asiatic writing systems derive (including tifinagh of the Amazigh), are made up of signs that represent a consonant followed by any or no vowel, thus reflecting the structural properties of this characteristic root and pattern system.
The nominal system
The distinction of masculine and feminine genders in nouns and pronouns (in the second and third person, and both singular and plural) is maintained widely but has been lost in some subdivisions of Chadic and Omotic. In Semitic and Cushitic languages, a noun may change its gender when it changes from singular to plural, a feature known as “gender polarity.” For example, in the Cushitic language Burunge, kori ‘year’ is a masculine noun, but korara ‘years’ is feminine. Other languages use common gender in the plural (i.e., there is no gender distinction in the plural).
A notable historical feature is “gender stability,” meaning that words for common things tend to share the same gender across the languages of the Afro-Asiatic phylum, no matter whether or not the particular words are cognate across the specific languages in question. For instance, the word for “blood” is always masculine, although the forms of the word clearly have different origins: ahni in Tuareg (an Amazigh language), *bar in Proto-Chadic, boy in Beja (Cushitic), snf in Egyptian, and dam in Hebrew (Semitic).
Forms used as demonstratives, articles, gender markers, and the like share common elements that may occur singly or in combination in order to mark these features (such as the masculine singular, feminine singular, and the common plural). Examples include *n, *k, and *u or *w for masculine and *t and *i for feminine, as well as elements of more limited distribution, such as *l, *h, and *š or *s, which are used to form further demonstratives and the like.
Very similar pronouns are used in verb conjugation in both prefix and suffix position to indicate the person, gender, and number of the subject. For example, the third person singular feminine prefixes *ta- or *ti- can be found in Amazigh (t-dawa ‘she healed’), in the Chadic language Hausa (tá-sàyáa ‘when she bought’), in the Cushitic language Bedawi (ti-dbíl ‘she collected’), and in the Semitic language Akkadian (ta-prus ‘she divided’). The corresponding suffix is found in conjugations in Amazigh (-t), Egyptian (-tj), and Semitic (*-at). Different but similar sets of suffixed pronouns are used to indicate object and possessor.
Other common elements can be found in noun derivation and inflection. A widespread element of derivation is *m-, used to derive agentive, locative, and instrumental nouns from verbs: compare the Arabic agentive mu-katib-un ‘the corresponding one’ with the locative ma-ktab-un ‘the place to write’ or ‘the school,’ both of which are derived from the verb ‘to write.’ Quite similar examples occur (for instance) in the Chadic language Hausa: má-hàif-íi ‘father (the begetting one),’ má-háif-áa ‘birthplace, womb,’ both of which are from the verb ‘to procreate, beget, give birth.’
Some Afro-Asiatic languages mark nouns for number in a manner quite different from that used in most Indo-European languages. Whereas English, for example, usually differentiates only between singular and plural, Classical Semitic and Egyptian routinely distinguished between singular, dual, and plural. This system has left traces in other divisions of Afro-Asiatic, which tend to have a rich array of plural marking devices. Some devices originate in the verbal system, where they mark plurality of action, actor, goal, or location. An example from the Chadic language Lamang is kəla ‘take,’ kala ‘take many,’ and kalala ‘take many here and there.’ Noun plurals may be formed through the addition of affixes such as -uu or -w, and -n, which are particularly well attested, or through internal inflection. So, for example, in the Chadic language Hausa, “spear” is rendered máashìi while the plural form, máasúu, is created through a change in suffix. In contrast, the Amazigh for “wall,” agadir, becomes the plural form igudar through a change in internal inflection.
Together, the forms of pluralization combine to form “broken” plurals, such as in the Semitic language Geʿez, in which nəgus ‘king’ becomes nägäs-t ‘kings.’ Chadic and Cushitic languages also use repetition of final consonants, partly in combination with vowel changes, as in Hausa táfkìi ‘lake’ and táfúkkàa ‘lakes,’ and ḳáfàa ‘leg, foot’ and its plural, ḳáfàafúu.
The verbal system
There are competing schools of thought surrounding the conjugational patterns of the protolanguage’s verbal system. For decades heated debates have focused on the functions and interrelations of the most basic inflectional categories, often discussed in terms of dichotomous subsystems such as “state versus action,” “transitive versus intransitive,” “punctual versus durative,” or “perfective versus imperfective.” Likewise, there is considerable debate over the original marking devices for these categories and for the expressions of aspect, tense, and mood. Scholars have investigated the possibility that the protolanguage marked these categories through internal inflection in the root and pattern system, affixes, prefixal or suffixal person marking, and so on. Another question concerns which of these formations were actually nouns rather than verbs, or even something in between, such as participles or gerunds. A final area of discussion focuses on the relative age of certain recurring or missing features in the different divisions and languages.
Most scholars of Afro-Asiatic agree that the verbal systems of all Afro-Asiatic languages can ultimately be traced back to the common protolanguage (usually allowing for a unique development in Egyptian). However, the individual verbal systems have undergone considerable changes since then. Semitic and Amazigh, and to a lesser degree Cushitic, have maintained reflexes of the ancestral prefixal conjugation. This appears to have been largely lost in Chadic and Omotic and completely lost in Egyptian. The root and pattern system is well attested for Semitic, is less so for Amazigh, and is only rudimentary in Cushitic and Chadic.
Nominalized verb formations such as verbal nouns, participles, and predicative adjectives probably harken back to the protolanguage and can be reconstructed for predicates expressing state rather than action. This predicate form is commonly referred to as the “stative conjugation” and uses suffixes for indicating the person, number, and gender of the subject. Some conjugational paradigms of today’s languages (and also of extinct ones such as Egyptian and Semitic Akkadian) derive from this suffix conjugation, including practically all paradigms in Egyptian, the Akkadian stative, the West Semitic perfective, and the qualitative in Kabyle (an Amazigh language). A greatly simplified analog of this conjugational form would be the English “eating-of-mine” for “I eat.”
Another common feature concerns the irregularity of imperative forms of the verbs “to come” and “to go.” These tend to use specific suppletive forms; that is, they replace the verb stem itself with another stem. Compare, for instance, the normal verb stem and the imperative form of “to come”: in Proto-Chadic these are *(-)sə and *ya, respectively; in Amazigh Kabyle as and eyya; in Egyptian nn and mn; and in Semitic Amharic mεṭṭä and na.
Afro-Asiatic verbs can be modified to indicate different kinds of qualities of action. Derivational extensions of verb stems (forming what are called “stirpes” or “themes”) use root modification (infixes) and derivative affixes together with partial or complete reduplication to indicate repeated action. Derivational markers may combine, which makes it possible for a single verb to indicate repeated action (by what is called the iterative derivation of the verb), action caused to happen (the causative derivation), action affecting the subject (the reflexive derivation), or action mutually affecting subject and object (the reciprocal derivation). The stirpes are commonly named after the affixed consonant. Thus, for the Proto-Semitic root *-p-r-s- ‘to divide,’ the causative form is *-ša-p(a)ris (called the “S-stirps”), the reflexive is *-n-paris (the “N/M-stirps”), and the reciprocal is *-t-paris (the “T-stirps”).
Syntax
Little historical work has been done on comparative Afro-Asiatic syntax; consequently, there is little agreement even on the original word order. Classical Semitic, Egyptian, and Amazigh all use a VSO (verb–subject–object) order, but almost all Cushitic languages use SOV order, and Chadic languages usually have SVO order. If, however, as Diakonoff suggested, Proto-Afro-Asiatic was an ergative type of language, in which subject and object as traditionally construed are not valid concepts, then such simple formulas would not be at all useful in explaining the syntax of the protolanguage.
H. Ekkehard Wolff