American social and cultural development

Also known as: colonial America, thirteen colonies
Quick Facts
Also called:
thirteen colonies or colonial America
Date:
May 14, 1607 - September 3, 1783

Seven of the colonies made an effort in 1754 to devise a plan of closer association. Their governors met at Albany to agree upon a treaty with the Iroquois. Benjamin Franklin, who was present, offered a scheme of colonial union which, if adopted, might have prevented or delayed the American Revolution. It called for a congress with power to negotiate with the Indians, control the public lands, maintain military forces, and collect taxes for common objects.

But though the Albany Congress accepted the scheme, the colonies were too jealous of their separate powers to approve it, while the British government feared that it might unduly increase the strength and independence of the provinces. The 13 colonies were separated by geographical distance and difficulties of travel, by differences of temper, religious thought, and custom, and by provincialism of spirit. Even in the crisis of war with the French they cooperated poorly.

Yet they were united by their common English tongue and its rich literature, by their common experience with representative forms of government, by the English common law, and by a basic similarity of outlook. They all believed in democracy in the sense of a rough equality of opportunity and (after John Locke) the possession by every man of the basic human rights of life, liberty, and property. During the 18th century, barriers between the colonies were steadily reduced. Roads were opened, coastal shipping increased, and intercolonial travel became more common. The newspapers and pamphlets of one province were read widely in others. Restless young men migrated freely, as Franklin moved from Boston to Philadelphia, and Alexander Hamilton from the British West Indies to New York. A post office service was established for British America, with Franklin as postmaster, 1753–55. Businessmen made frequent journeys from colony to colony to promote trade, and, if they were members of a fraternal order such as the Masons or of a special religious body such as the Quakers, found warm welcomes from fellow members. Mechanic groups were much the same in Charleston, New York, or Boston; the lawyers and large landholders of the various colonies held the same views.

Seven different colleges and a large number of private academies were established in the colonies before the Revolution. Harvard was founded in 1636, William and Mary in 1693, Yale in 1701, and King’s College (later Columbia) in 1754. The Great Awakening helped bring about the opening of the institutions which grew into Princeton (1746), Brown (1764), and Dartmouth (1769). At first collegiate studies emphasized the classical languages, mathematics, logic, rhetoric, and astronomy, but later science gained a strong foothold. Some large private libraries were collected, those of William Byrd in Virginia and Cotton Mather in Massachusetts being especially noteworthy.

Not all the books were imported, for American printers began reaching up toward a total of 1,000 titles, chiefly British, a year. Franklin was the most versatile American author, publishing essays, satires, scientific papers, and collections of aphorisms. Historical works of importance were written in the first 60 years of the 18th century by Robert Beverley for Virginia, John Lawson (an expert on Indian life) for North Carolina, and Thomas Prince for New England.

Thirteen colonials obtained the high honour of election to the Royal Society in the 60 years preceding the Revolution; among them were Cotton Mather of Massachusetts, Benjamin Franklin of Pennsylvania, and Alexander Garden of South Carolina. Arguably Mather’s most important work was the melange of history, biography, religion, and science entitled Magnalia Christi Americana. Jonathan Edwards made an important contribution to philosophy in his treatise Freedom of Will (1754). Botanist John Bartram and astronomer David Rittenhouse, both Pennsylvanians, and the mathematician John Winthrop IV of Harvard all did creditable work.

Many specimens of a truly beautiful architecture, mainly English in design and detail, could be found by 1750 in all the colonies from Maine to South Carolina. Skilled cabinetmakers, migrating from Europe, trained excellent colonial artisans. At least four painters attained such distinction that their work has been carefully preserved and highly prized: John Singleton Copley, John Smibert, Robert Feke, and Benjamin West—the last of whom became head of the Royal Academy of Arts in London. Town planning of a high order was to be found in Philadelphia, Williamsburg, and Savannah.

Altogether, the colonies by the end of the French and Indian War were becoming mature in some cultural as well as political and economic respects. Their lawyers, doctors, educators, and other professional men looked to Europe for standards but hardly felt inferior to their European contemporaries. Their intellectual ties with Great Britain grew closer with the improvement in communications. Newspapers clipped much of their foreign intelligence from British journals; students pursued law at the London Inns of Court and medicine at the University of Edinburgh; Anglican priests had to be trained and ordained in England; and British ideas, notably those of Sir Edward Coke, the Commonwealthmen, and John Locke, shaped political thought. Loyalty to the crown and affection for the mother country were still strong in 1763—stronger than intercolonial ties. Franklin thought that a union of the colonies was impossible without a course of flagrant oppression by Britain.

But after the French and Indian War the colonists had no intention of accepting a subordinate position in the empire. They were proud of the fighting record of their soldiers. They knew well that Philadelphia was the second largest city under the British flag and that as a seat of learning, scientific inquiry, and the arts it compared well with any city outside of London. They knew that American commercial enterprise equaled that of Britain and that they were making more rapid advances in some respects than any other people in the world. A spirit of self-sufficiency pervaded the land. It was especially strong among the settlers of mixed stock who had moved out toward the frontiers and among the artisans, mechanics, and labourers of the towns. The atmosphere was changing, and John Adams spoke truly when he later declared: “The Revolution was effected before the war commenced. The Revolution was in the minds and hearts of the people.”

The bid for independence (1763–83)

Early in 1763 King George III and his ministers proclaimed the triumphant close of the Seven Years’ War and took the first long steps toward another conflict that would shake the British Empire to its foundations. Fifteen days after the signing of the Treaty of Paris, the secretary at war announced in the House of Commons a ministerial plan to raise the British garrison forces in North America from a peacetime establishment of 3,100 men to 7,500, declaring that these troops should “be supported the first year by England, afterwards by the Colonies.” This simple proposal raised issues that gradually drove the American colonists toward independence.

Earlier disagreements

Relations between Britain and the colonies had not been altogether harmonious before 1763; in fact, there had been so many contests that one may think of them as chronic. The colonists had steadily striven to achieve control of their local affairs and had actually reached that goal in Connecticut and Rhode Island before the end of the 17th century. In the other colonies they had encountered resistance by proprietary and royal governors, councillors, judges, and other officials. They had striven to make the elected lower house of the assembly the dominant force in every colony. In these struggles the lower house had gradually seized the initiative with regard to money bills and then with regard to legislative questions in general. It had also invaded the area of executive authority. In all the colonies it was claimed that for domestic affairs the lower house was the counterpart of the British House of Commons, and such was the case in fact, although in British theory the colonial legislatures were merely municipal bodies. To be sure, parliamentary efforts to confine American commerce and manufacturing had not yet created grave grievances, Parliament had not tried to tax the mainland colonists for revenue, and the Americans had not questioned the control of foreign affairs by crown and Parliament.

It may be argued that Britain entered upon its new colonial policy as early as 1759. In that year the tide of war had shifted strongly in favour of Britain (and its colonies), and British officials therefore acted more vigorously in colonial questions. Evidence of a marked change is to be found in the disallowance by the Privy Council of the Virginia Two-Penny Tobacco Act in August 1759, increasing insistence in London that instructions to royal governors had the force of law; orders from London requiring that new laws changing old ones in Virginia, Massachusetts, and South Carolina should not go into effect until approved by the Privy Council; and demands from the imperial capital that judges in New York and New Jersey hold office during the king’s pleasure rather than during good behaviour.

The Anglican church supplied other grievances between 1759 and 1763. Its instrument, the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts, had established “missions” in New England before the Seven Years’ War but had then relaxed its efforts. In 1761 the Society, following the leadership of Thomas Seeker, archbishop of Canterbury, opened a new mission church in Cambridge, Massachusetts, in the heart of Congregationalism. Not content to proselytize in Cambridge, the archbishop also sought to prevent the Congregationalists from sending missionaries to the Native Americans. A Massachusetts Act of 1762 to assist them was, through the influence of the archbishop, disallowed by the Privy Council in the following year. The activities of the Anglicans, supported by British officials, irked the Congregationalists, who had long feared that the Church of England would send a bishop to America.

New colonial policy

If British colonial policy did not definitely turn a corner before the end of the Seven Years’ War, it did soon thereafter. The decision of George III and the ministry headed by John Stuart, 3rd earl of Bute to seek the enlargement of the garrison forces in North America was unquestionably momentous. As the Seven Years’ War drew to its end, the British government moved to reduce the regular army because it was expensive and because so large a force would not be necessary in peacetime. Parliament accepted a recommendation from the ministry that 75 regiments be kept in service, including 17 to be stationed in North America. Such an establishment, 50 percent larger than in 1754, might not have been approved by Parliament had it not been announced that the colonists, including those who resided in the West Indies, would be required to pay their share of its cost.

It is doubtful that so many troops were needed in America for defense; a much smaller force had been thought sufficient before 1754, when French Canada had posed a serious threat. Of course, garrison troops were needed in the St. Lawrence Valley to prevent a French Canadian revolt, and it was logical to place others in East and West Florida to check possible Spanish aggression. Other detachments to be maintained in interior forts were specially assigned to the task of warding off Indian attacks. It is clear enough that only a portion of the British army in America was to be directly devoted to the protection of the 13 colonies and that the colonists were likely to bear a disproportionate part of the cost of the new establishment. What was worse, the colonies were asked neither what kind of defense they desired nor whether they were willing to help pay for it. Trouble would certainly come when the British government sought to compel the colonists to pay, especially since it had been more or less understood in the past, at least by the colonists, that they had accepted parliamentary regulation of their manufacturing and commerce only in exchange for protection.

Although the attempt to extract money from the colonists to pay for the new army in America was not scheduled to take place until 1764, the Bute ministry was disposed to act vigorously in colonial matters in the meantime and there was no slackening of energy when George Grenville became first lord of the treasury as well as chancellor of the exchequer in April 1763 in a ministry formed by John Russell, 4th duke of Bedford. During slightly more than two years in office, Grenville carried through a remarkable series of measures intended to bolster imperial defenses, regulate colonial trade, and obtain an American revenue.

Proclamation line

One of the Grenville measures was the royal proclamation of October 7, 1763, that established the colonies of Quebec, East Florida, and West Florida, plus a vast Indian reservation in the North American hinterland. By terms of the Proclamation of 1763, settlement was forbidden in the vast area between the crest of the Appalachian Mountains and the Mississippi River. Moreover, occupation of wide stretches of land east of the mountains was also limited, since the Native Americans were recognized as communal owners of the territories they occupied and purchases of land from them were declared illegal except at a public meeting presided over by an official chosen by the British government. The chief purpose of the Proclamation of 1763 was to prevent, at least temporarily, colonial expansion westward, for the principal cause of conflict with the Indians was the seizure of their lands.

The uprising led by Pontiac (1763–64) stimulated action in London. Whatever the justification for the restrictions, they were a new exercise of royal power and limited the authority of both governors and colonial assemblies. The order forbidding purchase and exploitation of Indian territories was disliked by both the farmers who wished to till the soil and the speculators who sought to buy land cheaply. Heated protests came from the colonies, especially from Virginia; pioneers freely violated the proclamation, and speculators refused to let the crown destroy their dreams of easy wealth. Though never fully enforced, the measure won friends for Britain among the Indians, but it helped to turn many farmers and not a few speculators—men of means and influence—against the mother country.

Trade with Native Americans

Had it not been for expense, the Bedford-Grenville ministry would also have undertaken to regulate the trade between the colonists and the Native Americans. This traffic, in which the Indians exchanged furs and deerskins for guns, knives, mirrors, clothing, and rouge, was also a source of Indian unrest, chiefly because the white traders commonly cheated their Native American clients. Colonial efforts to compel the white traders to deal honestly could not be effective because the trading was carried on in the distant villages and hunting grounds of the Native Americans. In July 1764 the Board of Trade in London completed a “Plan for the Future Management of Indian Affairs” that would have imposed severe restrictions on the traders. Because the “Plan” required much money to execute, it was never brought before Parliament, and the trade with the Indians continued without effective restraint.