Age of the caliphs

It might be expected that a new and vigorous religion would stimulate a new religious literature to sing of its greatness and glory. This, however, was not the case. Maybe the once-boastful poets felt, at least for a while, that they were nothing but humble servants of God. At any rate, no major poet was inspired by the birth and astonishingly rapid expansion of Islam. Only much later did poets claim that their work was the “heritage of prophecy” or draw upon a tradition that calls the tongues of the poets “the keys of the treasures beneath the Divine Throne.” The old traditional literary models were still faithfully followed: a famous ode by Kaʿb, the son of Zuhayr, is different from pre-Islamic poetry only insofar as it ends in praise of the Prophet, imploring his forgiveness, instead of eulogizing some Bedouin leader. Muhammad’s rather mediocre eulogist, Ḥassān ibn Thābit (died c. 659), also slavishly repeated the traditional patterns (even including the praise of wine that had been such a common feature of pre-Islamic poetry at the court of al-Ḥīrah, despite the fact that wine had been by then religiously prohibited).

Religious themes are to be found in the khuṭbahs, or Friday sermons, which were delivered by governors of the provinces. In these khuṭbahs, however, political considerations frequently overshadowed the religious and literary aspects. The quṣṣāṣ (storytellers), who interpreted verses from the Qurʾān, attracted large audiences and may be regarded as the inventors of a popular religious prose. Their interpretations were highly fanciful, however, and hardly squared with the theologian’s orthodoxy.

The desire to preserve words of wisdom is best reflected in the sayings attributed to ʿAlī, the fourth caliph (died 661). These, however, were written down, in superbly concise diction, only in the 10th century under the title Nahj al-balāghah (“The Path of Eloquence”), a work that is a masterpiece of the finest Arabic prose and that has inspired numerous commentaries and poetical variations in the various languages of the Islamic world.

Umayyad dynasty

The time of the “Four Righteous Caliphs,” as it is called, ended with ʿAlī’s assassination in 661. The Umayyad dynasty then gained the throne, and a new impetus in poetry soon became perceptible. The Umayyads were by no means a pious dynasty, much enjoying the pleasures of life in their residence in Damascus and in their luxurious castles in the Syrian desert. One of their last rulers, the profligate al-Walīd ibn Yazīd (died 744), has become famous not so much as a conqueror (although in 711 the Muslims reached the lower Indus basin, Transoxania, and Spain) but as a poet who excelled in frivolous love verses and poetry in praise of wine. He was fond of short, light metres to match his subjects and rejected the heavier metres preferred by qaṣīdah writers. His verses convey a sense of ease and gracious living. Al-Walīd was not, however, the first to attempt this kind of poetry: a remarkable poet from Mecca, ʿUmar ibn Abī Rabīʿah (died c. 712/719), had contributed in large measure to the separate development of the love poem (ghazal) from its subordinate place as the opening section of the qaṣīdah. Gentle and charming, written in attractive and lively rhythms, his poems sing of amorous adventures with the ladies who came to Mecca on pilgrimage. His lighthearted melodious poems still appeal to modern readers.

In Medina, on the other hand, idealized love poetry was the vogue; its invention is attributed to Jamīl (died 701), of the tribe ʿUdhrah, “whose members die when they love.” The names of some of these “martyrs of love,” together with the names of their beloveds, were preserved and eventually became proverbial expressions of the tremendous force of true love. Such was Imruʾ al-Qays, who went mad because of his passion for Laylā and was afterward known as Majnūn (the “Demented One”). His story is cherished by later Persian, Turkish, and Urdu poets; as a symbol of complete surrender to the force of love, he is dear both to religious mystics and to secular poets.

Notwithstanding such new developments, the traditional qaṣīdah form of poetry was by no means neglected during the Umayyad period. Moreover, as the satirists of Iraq rose to fame, the naqāʾiḍ (slanging matches on parallel themes) between Jarīr (died c. 729) and al-Farazdaq (died c. 728 or 730) excited and delighted tribesmen of the rival settlements of Basra and Kūfah (places that later also became rival centres of philological and theological schools). The work of these two poets has furnished critics and historians with rich material for a study of the political and social situation in the early 9th century. The wealth of al-Farazdaq’s vocabulary led one of the old Arabic critics to declare: “If Farazdaq’s poetry did not exist, one-third of the Arabic language would be lost.” Philologists, eager to preserve as much of the classical linguistic heritage as possible, have also paid a great deal of attention to the largely satirical poetry of al-Ḥuṭayʾah (died 674). The fact that Christians as well as Muslims were involved in composing Classical Arabic poetry is proved by the case of al-Akhṭal (died c. 710), whose work preserves the pre-Islamic tradition of al-Ḥīrah in authentic form. He is particularly noted for his wine songs. Christians and Jews had been included among the pre-Islamic poets.

Prose literature was still restricted to religious writing. The traditions of the Prophet (Hadith) began to be compiled, and, after careful sifting, those regarded as trustworthy were preserved in six great collections during the late 9th century. Two of these—that of al-Bukhārī and that of Muslim ibn al-Ḥajjāj—were considered second only to the Qurʾān in religious importance. The first studies of religious law and legal problems, closely connected with the study of the Qurʾān, also belong to that period.