Indian languages vary significantly in the number of loanwords from Spanish and Portuguese. Massive borrowing has taken place in areas where languages have been in intense and continued contact with Spanish or Portuguese, especially where groups are economically dependent on the national life of the country and there is a considerable number of bilingual persons, as in Quechuan, or where no cultural differences correlate with language differences, as in Paraguayan Guaraní. Borrowings have not been limited to designations of artifacts of European origin but affect all spheres of vocabulary, having displaced native terms in many cases. Neither are they limited to lexical items; they include function elements such as prepositions, conjunctions, and derivative suffixes. Sound systems have also been modified. In some contact situations in which the Indian group displayed an antagonistic attitude toward the European conquest, purism developed and loans are comparatively few; e.g., Araucanian. When contact has been frequent but superficial, loanwords are usually scant, but the meaning of native terms has shifted or new descriptive terms have been coined to designate new cultural traits, as in Tehuelche.
Borrowings among Indian languages may have been more numerous than yet reported, judging from the wide and rapid diffusion that loans from Spanish and Portuguese had through the central part of South America. Borrowings between Quechua and Aymara have occurred in great number, but the direction of borrowing is difficult to determine. Many Indian languages in the Andes and the eastern foothills have borrowed from Quechua either directly or through Spanish. In Island Carib (an Arawakan language), borrowings from Carib (a Cariban language) have formed a special part of the vocabulary, properly used only by men; these words were adopted after the Island Carib speakers were subjugated by Caribs.
In turn, some Indian languages have been a source of borrowing into European languages. Taino (Arawakan), the first language with which Spaniards had contact, furnished the most widespread borrowings, including “canoe,” “cacique,” “maize,” and “tobacco,” among many others. No other South American Indian language has furnished such widespread and common words, although Quechua has contributed some specialized items such as “condor,” “pampa,” “vicuña.” The larger number of Arawakan borrowings results from these languages having been predominant in the Antilles, a region where Dutch, French, English, Portuguese, and Spanish were present for a long time. Cariban languages, the other important group in that region, do not seem to have furnished many words, but “cannibal” is a semantically and phonetically modified form of the self-designation of the Caribs. The influence of some Indian languages on regional varieties of Spanish and Portuguese has been paramount. Thus Tupí accounts for most Indian words in Brazilian Portuguese, Guaraní in the Spanish of Paraguay and northeast Argentina; and Quechua words are abundant in Spanish from Colombia to Chile and Argentina. In addition, Quechuan and Tupí-Guaraní languages account for most place-names in South America.
No detailed studies are available concerning the relationship of the vocabularies of Indian languages to the culture. Certain areas of vocabulary that are particularly elaborated in a given language may reflect a special focus in the culture, as for example the detailed botanical vocabularies for plants of medical or dietary importance in Quechua, Aymara, and Araucanian. Shifts in cultural habits may also be reflected in the vocabulary, as in Tehuelche, which formerly had a vocabulary designating different kinds of guanaco meat that is now very much reduced, because the group no longer depends on that animal for subsistence. Kinship terminology is usually closely correlated with social organization so that changes in the latter are also reflected in the former: in Tehuelche, former terms referring to paternal and maternal uncles tend to be used indiscriminately, even replaced by Spanish loans, because the difference is not functional in the culture any more.
Proper names, to which different beliefs are attached, offer a variety of phenomena, among them the practice of naming a parent after a child (called teknonymy) in some Arawakan groups; the repeated change of name according to various fixed stages of development, as in Guayaki; word taboo, forbidding either the pronunciation of one’s own name or the name of a deceased person, or both, as in the southernmost groups (Alacaluf, Yámana, Chon) and in the Chaco area (Toba, Terena); and the use of totemic names for groups, as in Panoan tribes.
Writing and texts
The existence of pre-Columbian native writing systems in South America is not certain. There are two examples, that of the Kuna in Colombia and an Andean system in Bolivia and Peru, but in both cases European influence may be suspected. They are mnemonic aids—a mixture of ideograms and pictographs—for reciting religious texts in Quechua and ritual medical texts in Kuna. The Kuna system is still in use.
Although the linguistic activity of missionaries was enormous and their work, from a lexicographic and grammatical viewpoint, very important, they failed to record texts reflecting the native culture. The texts they left for most languages are, with a few exceptions, of a religious nature. Most of the folklore has been collected in the 20th century, but many important collections (e.g., for the Fuegian and Tacanan tribes) are not published in the native language but rather in translation. There are good texts recorded in the native language for Araucanian, Panoan, and Kuna, for instance, and more are being recorded by linguists now, though not necessarily analyzed from a linguistic point of view.
Efforts are being made in several areas to introduce literacy in the native Indian languages. For some, practical orthographies have existed since the 17th century (Guaraní, Quechua); for several others, linguists have devised practical writing systems and prepared primers in recent years. The success of these efforts cannot yet be evaluated.
Jorge A. Suárez