Also called:
feudal system or feudality
French:
féodalité

In the 19th century, influenced by Adam Smith and other Scottish thinkers, Karl Marx (1818–83) and Friedrich Engels (1820–95) made “the feudal mode of production” one stage in their visionary reading of Western historical development; the feudal model followed “the ancient mode of production” and preceded capitalism, socialism, and communism. Marx and Engels rejected the traditional understanding of feudalism as consisting of fiefs and relations among the elite and emphasized the lords’ exploitation of the peasants as the essence of the feudal mode of production. Marx and Engels did not try to establish that the feudal period had existed universally; they formulated for Asia the idea of a specific Asiatic mode of production. Still, by incorporating “the feudal mode of production” into their design, they endowed it with seminal significance. Their followers came to view the feudal stage as a necessary prerequisite for the emergence of socialism, and socialist scholars and activists sought traces of it throughout the world.

Marx and Engels’s model of Western historical development indicates how popular the feudal construct had become by the middle of the 19th century. Their modification of the construct to serve their own purposes demonstrates its pliancy. However, they were not unique in having shaped the feudal construct to suit their particular perspective. The Australian medieval historian John O. Ward isolated 10 different sets of phenomena that historians had associated with feudalism. Some employed narrow legalistic definitions like those elaborated by 16th-century lawyers. Others, following the English historian Thomas Madox (1666–1726/27) and the French historian Marc Bloch (1886–1944), equated feudalism with feudal society. They saw feudalism as encompassing many if not most aspects of medieval society: peasants, whether free, unfree, or semi-free; a ruling warrior class with subordinates compensated for military service by grants of land rather than money; fragmentation of power; and disorder—yet with the family and the state retaining their importance. The American historian Joseph R. Strayer (1904–87) laid special emphasis on the splintering of political and public power and authority, and he believed that systematized feudal institutions and customs were compatible with the formation of large political units, which he viewed as recognizable precursors of contemporary nation-states. Although Bloch and Strayer employed the feudal construct throughout their careers, both admitted the idiosyncrasy of the various definitions of the feudal labels that have been proposed, and both acknowledged that focusing on the construct inevitably obscures the human beings, both individuals and groups, whose actions historians are dedicated to comprehending.

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Modern critiques

From the time of the French historian Louis Chantereau Le Febvre (1588–1658), questions were raised concerning the extent to which the feudal construct oversimplified and distorted the historical realities it was intended to capture. Chantereau Le Febvre denounced as futile the attempts of his contemporaries to deduce general rules from uncertain principles. He stressed the necessity of studying authentic acts and working “historically,” implying thereby that his contemporaries were not working in this fashion. He cautioned against reducing the great variety of fiefs to a single type, because each fief was different from the others. Despite Chantereau Le Febvre’s reservations, in the end he succumbed to current fashion and endorsed a simplified picture of feudal institutions. He did, however, edit and publish medieval documents demonstrating the difficulty of attaching precise meanings to such words as feudum and allodium.

Many modern historians have attempted to follow Chantereau Le Febvre’s admonitions and have studied these words and others, such as vassus (“vassal”), homo (“man”), and fidelis (“the faithful”), which figured centrally in the classic definitions of the feudal construct. By examining the contexts in which key words appear in a host of medieval acts and chronicles, they have demonstrated the wide range of meanings these words possessed and the difficulty of formulating simple and precise definitions of any of them. It is clear that in the Middle Ages those who fought (like those who farmed) were rewarded in different ways and were sometimes paid in money. Land was owned, controlled, and held in a variety of ways. Similarly, enterprising individuals used a range of tactics to augment their lands and wealth and increase their power. Standardization and regularization of tenurial and territorial bonds and of ceremonies such as homage accompanied the development of centralized government, as lords and kings utilized these devices (and many others) to buttress and extend their authority.

The extent to which surrender of property to a lord as a fief limited control and rights over the property has been investigated, as has the importance of such acts in creating ties between family groups that could be repeatedly renewed. The difficulty and danger of drawing sharp distinctions between the ceremonial practices of the nobility and the peasantry have been recognized, so too the importance of urban and parochial communities and the significance of spiritual and economic links between religious establishments and the laity. In studying the settlement of disputes, historians have emphasized the continuing importance of mediation and of judgments given by free men, especially members of the secular and ecclesiastical elite. Lordship has emerged as a more centrally important topic than the feudum. The quality of lords’ relationships with their dependents, free and unfree, has been debated, with some historians stressing the predatory, exploitative aspects of lordship and others emphasizing its protective, beneficial features.

Increased knowledge of the Middle Ages and greater sophistication regarding the constructs (and periods) that scholars have created in attempting to comprehend the past have sparked the search for appropriate terms to describe human institutions and societies. Although the feudal labels have lost their validity as terms to designate the realities of medieval society, they provide insight into the thought processes and assumptions of the lawyers and historians who formulated and utilized them between the 16th and the 20th century.

Elizabeth A.R. Brown