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- Key People:
- Vilmos Diószegi
Shamans are said to be born to their role, as is evident in certain marks distinguishing them from ordinary people. For instance, a shaman may be born with more bones in his body—e.g., teeth or fingers—than other people. He does not become a shaman simply by willing it, for it is not the shaman who summons up the spirits but they, the supernatural beings, who choose him. Adolescence typically marks the point when the spirits begin to take an overt role in the shaman’s life, although variations in the age of onset do occur. The spirits may cause the chosen one to fall into hysterics, to faint repeatedly, to have visions, or to have similar symptoms, with these events sometimes persisting for weeks.
Eventually, in a vision or a dream, the being or beings who have chosen the shaman appear and announce their intentions. This call is necessary for the shaman to acquire his powers. The spirits first lavish the unwilling shaman-to-be with all sorts of promises and, if they do not win his consent, go on to torment him. Known as “shaman illness,” these torments will anguish him for months, and in some cases for years—that is, for as long as the human does not accept the profession of shaman. When the candidate finally gives way, he typically falls asleep and sleeps for a long time—generally three days, seven days, or thrice three days. During this “long sleep” the candidate, according to belief, is cut into pieces by the spirits, who count his bones, determining whether he truly has an “extra bone.” If so, he has become a shaman. Some people, such as the Mongols and the Manchu-Tungus, initiate the shaman formally and publicly. They introduce him to the supernatural beings, and he symbolically ascends the “tree-up-to-the-heavens”—that is, the pole representing it.
A perspective that was once widespread but has since been discredited held that shamanism results from psychosis. According to this view, a person would become a shaman at puberty when, especially in subarctic and Arctic climatic conditions, changes in his constitution and nervous system resulted in the onset of mental illness. Social and ethnic factors were seen to increase the likelihood of a psychotic break, as when a person who was born with certain marks felt he must therefore be destined to the vocation. His fears of becoming a shaman, according to this theory, created the hallucinations associated with trance, and the hallucinations reinforced the belief that he would inevitably become a shaman. While popular in the mid-20th century, a myriad of analyses have since discounted this view. Although they do not completely deny the role of personal crisis in shaman initiation, such analyses have postulated that the initiate’s revelation owes more to broad cultural influences (such as the status shamans have in a given culture), specific historical circumstances (such as an invasion, epidemic, or flood), or population growth (the number and age of current shamans relative to the rest of the community) than by the mental health of the individual.
Degrees of proficiency
Shamans differ greatly in quality and in degree of expertise or adeptness. Difference of quality is manifest in the kind of spirits the shaman communicates with. “White” shamans, for example, apply to a benevolent deity and the good spirits, while “black” shamans call on a wicked deity and the wicked spirits. The difference in degree is exemplified in the belief, of the Sakha (Yakut) people of northeastern Siberia, that the souls of the future shamans are reared upon an immensely high tree in the Upper World, in nests at various heights. The greatest shamans are brought up close to the top of the tree, the intermediate ones toward the middle, and the lesser ones on the lower branches. Hence, shamans may be classified into three groups: great, intermediate, and least, according to their powers.
Basic tasks
It is the obligation of the shaman to know all matters that human beings need to know in everyday life but are unable to learn through their own capacities. A shaman foresees events distant in time and space, discovers the place of a lost animal, forecasts prospects for fishing and hunting, and assists in increasing the gain. He is also a healer and a psychopomp, one who accompanies the dead to their otherworldly domain. He fulfills all these obligations by communicating directly with the spirits whenever he pleases.
The shaman’s assistance is necessary at the three great life passages: birth, marriage, and death. If a woman has not borne a child, for instance, then, according to the belief of the Nanai (Golds), in the Amur region of northeastern Asia, the shaman ascends to heaven and sends her an embryo soul (omija) from the tree of embryos (omija muoni). Among the Buryat, the shaman performs libations after birth to keep the infant from crying and to help it develop more quickly. Among the Nanai, when death occurs the shaman is necessary to catch the soul of the deceased floating in the universe and to escort it to the Yonder World.
Illness is believed to be caused by the spirits, who must be appeased for a cure to be effected. Among the Khanty of northern Siberia, the shaman decides how many reindeer should be sacrificed to appease the spirit who causes an illness. Among the Altai Kizhi, he states which körmös (soul of the dead) caused the disaster and what to do to conciliate it. Alternatively, illness might be caused by soul loss, in which the soul leaves the patient’s body and falls into the hands of spirits who are angry with it and therefore torment it; the shaman liberates the strayed soul. Illness also may be caused by spirits entering into a person’s body; the shaman cures the patient by driving the spirits out.
Forms of revelation
The shaman may fulfill his obligations either by communicating with the spirits at will or through trance. The latter has two forms: trances of possession, in which the body of the shaman is possessed by the spirit, and wandering trances, in which his soul departs into the realm of spirits. In the former the possessed gets into an intense mental state and shows superhuman strength and knowledge: he quivers, rages, struggles, and finally falls into a condition similar to unconsciousness. After accepting the spirit, the shaman regains a degree of consciousness and becomes its mouthpiece—“he becomes him who entered him.”
In active, or wandering, trances the shaman’s life functions decrease to an abnormal minimum. The soul of the shaman, it is believed, then leaves his body and seeks one of the world strata. After awakening, he relates his experiences, where he wandered, and with whom he spoke. There are also cases in which possession and wandering combine, as when the spirit first enters the shaman and then leads his soul to the world of supernatural beings.
Dress and equipment
A shaman wears regalia, some part of which usually imitates an animal—most often a deer, a bird, or a bear. It may include a headdress made of antlers or a band into which feathers of birds have been pierced. The footwear is also symbolic—iron deer hooves, birds’ claws, or bears’ paws. The clothing of the shamans among the Tofalar (Karagasy), Soyet, and Darhat are decorated with representations of human bones—ribs, arm, and finger bones. The shamans of the Goldi-Ude tribe perform the ceremony in a singular shirt and in a front and back apron on which there are representations of snakes, lizards, frogs, and other animals.
An important device of the shaman is the drum, which always has only one membrane. It is usually oval but sometimes round. The outer side of the membrane, and the inside as well among some peoples, is decorated with drawings; e.g., the Tatars of Abakan mark the membrane with images of the Upper and Lower Worlds. The handle is usually in the shape of a cross, but sometimes there is only one handle. The drumstick is made of wood or horn, and the beating surface is covered with fur. In some cases the drumstick is decorated with human and animal figures, and rattling rings often hang down from it.
During the trance brought on by the sound of the drum, the spirits move to the shaman—into him or into the drum—or the soul of the shaman travels to the realm of the spirits. In the latter case the shaman makes the journey on the drum as if riding on an animal, the drumstick being his lash. Sometimes the shaman makes the journey on a river and the drum is his boat, the drumstick his oar. All this is revealed in the shaman song. Besides the drum, the Buryat shaman sometimes makes the journey with sticks ending in the figure of a horse’s head. The shaman of the Tungus people, who raise reindeer, makes the journey on a stick ending in the figure of a reindeer’s head. Among some people, the shaman wears a metal disk known as a shaman-mirror.
Drama and dance
Shamanic symbolism is presented through dramatic enactment and dance. The shaman, garbed in regalia, lifts his voice in song to the spirits. This song is improvised but contains certain obligatory images and similes, dialogue, and refrains. The performance always takes place in the evening. The theater is a conical tent or a yurt; the stage is the space around the fire where the spirits are invoked. The audience consists of the invited members of the clan, awaiting the spirits in awe. A stage lighter and decorator, the shaman’s assistant, tends the fire so as to throw fantastic shadows onto the wall. All these effects help those present to visualize everything that the recited action of the shaman narrates.
The shaman is simultaneously an actor, dancer, singer, and, indeed, a whole orchestra. This restless figure is a fascinating sight, with his cloak floating in the light of a fire in which anything might be imagined. The ribbons of his regalia flit around him, his round mirror reflects the flames, and his accoutrements jingle. The sound of his drum excites not only the shaman but also his audience. An integral characteristic of this drama is that those who are present are not mere objective spectators but rather faithful believers, and their belief enables the shaman to achieve results, as in healing physical or mental illnesses.
Among some people—the Altai Kizhi, for instance—a tall tree is set into the smoke opening at the top of the tent, symbolizing the Tree of the World. The shaman ascends the tree to the height of the Upper World, which is announced to his audience through the text of his song.
Persistence of shamanism
Traces of shamanism may be found among peoples who have been converted to other religions, as in the Finno-Ugric peoples who became Christians (see Finno-Ugric religion), Turkic peoples in Central Asia and Asia Minor who became Muslim, and Mongols who became Buddhists. Among the Finns, the tietäjä, a figure equivalent to the shaman, also is born with one more tooth than normal. Among the Osmanlı Turks of Asia Minor, the horned headwear of the shaman is remembered in popular belief. Among groups that have converted to Christianity, Islam, or another world religion, former shamanistic practices may be revealed through an analysis of folklore and folk beliefs. An example of such a case is the discovery of shamanism in early Hungarian cultures. In contrast, shamanism was excluded among the Khalkha-Mongolian and eastern Buryat, who became Buddhists, and among the Kazakh and Kyrgyz who adopted Islam, and it was greatly changed and developed into an atypical form by the Manchurians.
In northern Asia shamanism appears in various forms. In the most northern parts, among the Chukchi, Koryak, and Itelmen, the shaman does not exist as a member of a special profession; instead, the role is fulfilled by a suitable member of the family—often an old woman. Elsewhere, many shamans are transgender persons who have adopted feminine (if male) or masculine (if female) clothing and behavior. Among the Yukaghir of Arctic Siberia, shamanism is part of the cult of the clan; so also among pockets in the Ob-Ugrian peoples and among all three Altaic peoples: Turkic, Mongol, and Manchu-Tungus. These groups all rely on professional shamans.
Certain scholars have investigated ecstatic actions that may be adjudged outside the area of shamanism in the strictest sense. Mircea Eliade studied these phenomena in North and South America, Southeast Asia and Oceania, Tibet, and China (see below Shamans outside of northern Asia), and S.P. Tokarev studied them in Africa. Some scholars suppose that the phenomena of shamanism spread to the two American continents when the first settlers migrated from Asia. The shamanistic phenomena in the Shintō religion of Japan are attributed to the migration of nomadic peoples from the territory bordering northern Korea.
Those who oppose this broad usage of the term shamanism argue that an apparent structural similarity among phenomena in widely separated areas does not justify an assertion of a common source or that typological similarity must be distinguished from a genetic connection. For them, shamanism may be attributed only to a precise pattern of cultural phenomena in a specific, well-defined territory, one that forms a concrete, systematic whole, such as the religious systems of the peoples mentioned at the beginning of this section.
Vilmos Diószegi