The Crusader states to 1187
During the 25 years following the Second Crusade, the kingdom of Jerusalem was governed by two of its ablest rulers, Baldwin III (reigned 1143–62) and Amalric I (1163–74). In 1153 King Baldwin captured Ascalon, extending the kingdom’s coastline southward, though this would be the Franks’ last major conquest. Its possession was offset the next year by the occupation of Damascus by Nūr al-Dīn, one more stage in the encirclement of the Crusader states by a single Muslim power.
In 1160–61 the possibility that the Fāṭimid caliphate in Egypt, shaken by palace intrigues and assassinations, might collapse under the influence of Muslim Syria caused anxiety in Jerusalem. Thus, in 1164, when Nūr al-Dīn sent his lieutenant Shīrkūh to Egypt accompanied by his own nephew, Saladin, King Amalric decided to intervene. After some maneuvering, the armies of both Amalric and Shīrkūh withdrew, as they were to do again three years later.
Meanwhile, Amalric, realizing the necessity of Byzantine cooperation, had sent Archbishop William of Tyre as an envoy to Constantinople. In 1168, before the news of the agreement that William of Tyre had arranged reached Jerusalem, the king, for reasons unknown, set out for Egypt. The venture failed, and Shīrkūh entered Cairo. On his death (May 23, 1169), Saladin, then Nūr al-Dīn’s deputy, was left to overcome the remaining opposition and assume control of Egypt.
When the Byzantine fleet and the army finally arrived in 1169, there was some delay, and both armies were forced by inadequate provisions and seasonal rains to retreat once again, each side blaming the other for the lack of confrontation. In 1171 Saladin obeyed Nūr al-Dīn’s order to have the prayers in the mosques mention the caliph of Baghdad instead of the caliph of Cairo, whose health was failing. Thus ended the Fāṭimid caliphate and the great division in Levantine Islam from which the Latins had profited.
Ominous developments followed the deaths of both Amalric and Nūr al-Dīn in 1174. In 1176 the Seljuqs of Iconium defeated the armies of Emperor Manuel Comnenus at Myriocephalon. It was a shattering blow reminiscent of Manzikert a century earlier. When Manuel died in 1180, all hope of effective Byzantine-Latin cooperation vanished. Three years later Saladin occupied Aleppo, virtually completing the encirclement of the Latin states. In 1185 he agreed to a truce and left for Egypt.
In Jerusalem Amalric was succeeded by his son Baldwin IV, a 13-year-old boy suffering from leprosy. Despite the young king’s extraordinary fortitude, his precarious health necessitated continuous regencies and created a problem of succession until his sister Sibyl bore a son, the future Baldwin V, to William of Montferrat. Her subsequent marriage in 1180 to Guy of Lusignan, a newcomer to the East and brother of Amalric, accentuated existing rivalries between the barons. A kind of “court party”—centring around the queen mother, Agnes of Courtenay, her daughter Sibyl, and Agnes’s brother, Joscelin III of Edessa, and now including the Lusignans—was often opposed by another group comprising mostly the so-called native barons—old families, notably the Ibelins, Reginald of Sidon, and Raymond III of Tripoli, who through his wife was also lord of Tiberias. In addition to these internal problems, the kingdom was the most isolated ever. Urgent appeals to the West and the efforts of Pope Alexander III had brought little response.
Baldwin IV died in March 1185, leaving, according to previous agreement, Raymond of Tripoli as regent for the child king Baldwin V. But when Baldwin V died in 1186, the court party outmaneuvered the other barons and, disregarding succession arrangements that had been formally drawn up, hastily crowned Sibyl. She in turn crowned her husband, Guy of Lusignan.
In the midst of near civil war, Reginald of Châtillon, lord of Kerak and Montréal, broke the truce with the Muslims by attacking a caravan. Saladin replied by proclaiming jihad against the Latin kingdom. In 1187 he left Egypt, crossed the Jordan south of the Sea of Galilee, and took up a position close to the river. Near Sepphoris (modern Ẓippori) the Crusaders mobilized an army of perhaps 20,000 men, which included some 1,200 heavily armed cavalry. In a spot well chosen and adequately supplied with water and provisions, they waited for Saladin—who, by some estimates, had about 30,000 men, half of whom were light cavalry—to make the first move.
On July 2 Saladin blocked the main road to Tiberias and sent a small force to attack the town, hoping that Count Raymond’s wife’s presence there would lure the Crusaders into the open. It was Raymond, however, who initially persuaded the king not to fall into the trap. But, late that night, others, accusing the count of treason, prevailed upon the king to change his mind. This fateful decision would lead to the destruction of the Crusader army. On July 3 the Crusaders undertook an exhausting day’s march, spent a terrible night without water, and were surrounded and constantly harassed. The following day they faced Saladin’s forces at the Horns of Ḥaṭṭin and fought throughout the day, with smoke from grass fires set by the enemy pouring into their faces. When the infantry broke ranks, the essential coordination with the cavalry was shattered, and the Crusaders’ fate was sealed. By the time Saladin’s final charge ended the battle, most of the knights had been slain or captured. Only Raymond of Tripoli, Reginald of Sidon, Balian of Ibelin, and a few others escaped.
The king’s life was spared, but Saladin killed Reginald of Châtillon and ordered the execution of some 200 Templars and Hospitallers (religio-military orders discussed below). Other captive knights were treated honourably, and most were later ransomed. Less fortunate were the foot soldiers, most of whom were sold into slavery. Virtually the entire military force of the kingdom of Jerusalem had been destroyed. To make matters worse, Saladin captured the relic of the True Cross, which he sent to Damascus, where it was paraded through the streets upside down.
Saladin quickly followed up his victory in the Battle of Ḥaṭṭin by taking Tiberias and moving toward the coast to seize Acre (ʿAkko). By September 1187 he and his lieutenants had occupied most of the major strongholds in the kingdom and all the ports south of Tripoli Jubayl and Botron (Al-Batrūn) in the county of Tripoli and Tyre in the kingdom. On October 2 Jerusalem, then defended by only a handful of men under the command of Balian of Ibelin, capitulated to Saladin, who agreed to allow the inhabitants to leave once they had paid a ransom. Though Saladin’s offer included the poor, several thousand apparently were not redeemed and probably were sold into slavery. In Jerusalem, as in most of the cities captured, those who stayed were Syrian or Greek Christians. Somewhat later Saladin permitted a number of Jews to settle in the city.
Meanwhile, Saladin continued his conquests in the north, and by 1189 all of the kingdom was in his hands except Belvoir (modern Kokhov ha-Yarden) and Tyre. The county of Tripoli and the principality of Antioch were each reduced to the capital city and a few outposts. The majority of the 100-year-old Latin establishment in the Levant had been lost.
The institutions of the First Kingdom
The four principalities established by the Crusaders—three after the loss of Edessa in 1144—were loosely connected, and the king of Jerusalem’s limited suzerainty over Antioch and Tripoli became largely nominal after mid-century. Each state was organized into a pattern of lordships by the ruling Christian minority. The institutions of the kingdom of Jerusalem are best known, partly because its history figures more prominently in both Arab and Christian chronicles but especially because its documents were better preserved. In the 13th century the famous legal compilation the Assises de Jérusalem (Assizes of Jerusalem) was prepared in the kingdom. Though this collection reflects a later situation, certain sections and many individual enactments can be traced back to the 12th century, the period known as the First Kingdom.
In the first half of the 12th century, the kingdom presented the appearance of a typical European monarchy, with lordships owing military service and subject to fiscal exactions. There were, however, important differences, not only in the large subject population of diverse ethnic origins but also with respect to the governing minority. No great families with extensive domains emerged in the early years, and the typical noble did not, as in Europe, live in a rural castle or manor house. Although castles existed, they were garrisoned by knights and, increasingly as the century advanced, by the religio-military orders. Most barons in the kingdom lived in the fortified towns. The kings, moreover, possessed a considerable domain and retained extensive judicial rights, which made the monarchy a relatively strong institution in early Jerusalem.
Toward the middle of the century, this situation changed. Partly as a consequence of increased immigration from the West, the baronial class grew, and a relatively small group of magnates with large domains emerged. As individuals, they were less disposed to brook royal interference, and, as a class and in the court of barons (Haute Cour, or High Court), they were capable of presenting a formidable challenge to royal authority. The last of the kings of Jerusalem to exercise effective power was Amalric I in the 12th century. In the final years of the First Kingdom, baronial influence was increasingly evident and dissension among the barons, as a consequence, more serious.
The military orders
Another serious obstacle to the king’s jurisdiction, which did not exist in the same form in the West, was the extensive authority of the two religio-military orders. The Knights of the Hospital of St. John, or Hospitallers, was founded in the 11th century by the merchants of Amalfi to provide hospital care for pilgrims. The order never abandoned its original purpose, and, in fact, as its superb collection of documents reveals, the order’s philanthropic activities expanded. But during the 12th century, in response to the military needs of the kingdom, the Hospitallers also became an order of knights, as did the Templars, the Poor Knights of Christ and of the Temple of Solomon, so named because of their headquarters in the former temple of Solomon. The Templars originated as a monastic-military organization dedicated to protecting pilgrims on the way to Jerusalem, and their rule, composed by St. Bernard of Clairvaux, was officially sanctioned by the Council of Troyes (1128). Although the Templars and Hospitallers took monastic vows, their principal function was soldiering.
The orders grew rapidly and acquired castles at strategic points in the kingdom and in the northern states. They maintained permanent garrisons in these castles and supplemented the otherwise inadequate forces of the barons and king. Moreover, because they were soon established in Europe as well, they became international organizations. Virtually independent, sanctioned and constantly supported by the papacy, and exempt from local ecclesiastical jurisdiction, they aroused the jealousy of the clergy and constituted a serious challenge to royal authority.
The Crusaders introduced into the conquered lands a Latin ecclesiastical organization and hierarchy. The Greek patriarch of Antioch was removed, and all subsequent incumbents were Latin except in one brief period before 1170, when imperial pressure brought about the installation of a Greek. The Eastern Orthodox patriarch in Jerusalem left before the conquest and died soon after. All his successors were Latin.
Under Latin jurisdiction were the entire Latin population as well as those natives who remained Orthodox—Greeks in Antioch and Greeks or Syrians (Melchites) in Jerusalem. Beyond that jurisdiction were a larger number of non-Chalcedonians (both Syriac and Armenian) and some few members of the Assyrian Church of the East (so-called Nestorians), all adherents of doctrines that had deviated from the decisions of 5th-century ecumenical councils. A number of Maronites of the Lebanon region accepted the Latin obedience late in the 12th century. After some initial confusion, the native hierarchies were able to resume their functions.
As in the West, the church had its own courts and possessed large properties. But each ecclesiastical domain was required to furnish soldiers, and there were considerable charitable foundations. The hierarchy of the Latin states was an integral part of the church of the West. Papal legates regularly visited the East, and bishops from the Crusader states attended the third Lateran Council in 1179. Western monastic orders also appeared in the Crusader states.
In addition to the nobles and their families who had settled in the kingdom, a substantially larger number of persons were classified as bourgeois. A small number had arrived with the First Crusade; however, most were later immigrants from Europe, representing nearly every nationality but predominantly from rural southern France. In the East they became town dwellers, though a few were agriculturalists—proprietors of small estates, rarely themselves tillers of the soil, inhabiting the more modest towns. It appears some immigrants, perhaps poor pilgrims who remained, failed to obtain a reasonably settled status and could not afford the relatively small ransom offered by Saladin in 1187.
The townspeople of the First Kingdom did not, like their counterparts in Europe, aspire to political autonomy. There were no communal movements in the 12th century. The bourgeois were, therefore, subject to a king or seigneur. Some did military service as sergeants—i.e., mounted auxiliaries or foot soldiers. The bourgeois were recognized as a class in the more than 30 “courts of the bourgeois” according to procedures laid down in the Assises de la Cour des Bourgeois (Assizes of the Court of the Bourgeois), which, unlike other parts of the Assizes of Jerusalem, reflect the traditions of Roman law in southern France.
The Italians had acquired exceptional privileges in the ports because they supplied the indispensable naval aid and shipping essential to regular contact with Europe. These privileges usually included a quarter that they maintained as a virtually independent enclave. Its status was guaranteed by treaty between the kingdom and the “mother” city (Venice, Genoa, Pisa, etc.).
European settlers in the Crusader states, however, were only a small minority of the population. If the early Crusaders were ruthless, their successors, except for occasional outbursts during campaigns, were remarkably tolerant and flexible in dealing with the diverse sectors of the local population. Muslim town dwellers who had not fled were captured and put to menial tasks. Some, it is true, appeared in Italian slave marts, but royal and ecclesiastical ordinances at least restricted slave owners’ actions. Baptism brought with it immediate freedom.
Few Muslims were slaves. Most of those who remained were peasants who for centuries had been a large part of the rural population and who were permitted to retain their holdings, subject to fiscal impositions not unlike those of the European serf and usually identical to those originally levied by their former proprietors on all non-Muslims. Muslim nomads, or Bedouin, who from time immemorial had moved their herds with the changing seasons, were granted their traditional rights of pasturage by the king.
Most mosques were appropriated during the conquest, but some were restored, and no attempt was made to restrict Muslim religious observance. Occasionally a mihrab (prayer niche) was retained for Muslim worshipers in a church that had formerly been a mosque. The tolerance of the Franks, noted by Arab visitors, often surprised and disturbed newcomers from the West.
Legal practices
Native Christians were governed according to the Assizes of the Court of the Bourgeois. Each national group retained its institutions. The Syrians, for example, maintained a court overseen by the rais (raʾīs), a chieftain of importance under the Frankish regime. An important element in the kingdom’s army, the corps of Turcopoles, made up of lightly armed cavalry units, was composed largely of native Christians, including, apparently, converts from Islam. The principle of personality of law applied to all: the Jew took oath on the Torah, the Samaritan on the Pentateuch, the Muslim on the Qurʾān, and the Christian on the Gospels.
The Jewish community of Palestine, which had declined in the 11th century, was drastically reduced by the First Crusade. As the Latin kingdom settled into a routine of government, however, the situation improved. Indeed, there is reason to believe that the later, more stable regime made possible a not-inconsiderable Jewish immigration—not, it seems, as in earlier times, from the neighbouring lands of the Middle East but from Europe.
Thus, by the 1170s the Crusader states of Outremer, as the area of Latin settlement came to be called, had developed well-established governments. With allowance made for regional differences (e.g., Antioch in its early years under the Norman dynasty was somewhat more centralized), the institutions of the northern states resembled those of Jerusalem. The governing class of Franks was no longer made up of foreign conquerors but comprised local residents who had learned to adjust to a new environment and were concerned with administration. A few—such as Reginald of Sidon and William of Tyre, the archbishop and chancellor, respectively—were fluent in Arabic. Many others knew enough of the language to deal with the local inhabitants. Franks adopted native dress, ate native food, employed native physicians, and married Syrian, Armenian, or converted Muslim women.
But the Franks of Outremer, though they sometimes acquired a love of luxury and comfort, did not lose the will or ability to confront danger; nor did they “go native.” In fundamentals, they were Latin Christians who adhered to the traditions of their French forebears. The Assizes were in French, and other documents were drawn up in Latin. William of Tyre, born in the East but educated in Europe, wrote a celebrated Historia rerum in partibus transmarinis gestarum (History of Deeds Done Beyond the Sea) in the Latin style of the 12th century.
Artists and architects were influenced by Byzantine and Arab craftsmen, but Oriental motifs were usually limited to details, such as doorway carvings. A psalter for Queen Melisende in the 12th century, for example, shows certain Byzantine characteristics, and the artist may have lived in Constantinople, but the manuscript is in the then current tradition of French art. Castles followed Byzantine models and were often built on the old foundations, though Western ideas were also incorporated. New churches were built or additions made to existing structures, as, for example, the Church of the Holy Sepulchre, in the Romanesque style of the homeland.
All in all, the Franks of the First Kingdom developed a distinctive culture and achieved a sense of identity. Until baronial dissensions weakened the monarchy in later years, the Latin kingdom showed remarkable vitality and ingenuity. It was one of the more sophisticated governmental achievements of the Middle Ages.
