Even though there were major differences in the ideological motivations of the various postcommunist political parties and governments, they all agreed on the main goals to be achieved. These included the privatization of state-owned assets, the creation of a politically and culturally pluralistic society, and the attainment of membership in the Western community of nations by joining NATO and the EU.

Reforms under the Antall regime left no sector of the economy untouched, as the reintroduction of the market economy demanded a whole new economic and institutional infrastructure. Despite fits and starts, the first postcommunist government liberalized trade, deregulated most prices, and introduced and executed a wide-ranging privatization policy. Within two years of attaining power, it relaunched the Budapest Stock Exchange and a largely independent Central Bank and initiated the most-liberal foreign investment policy among the states of the former Soviet bloc. Moreover, despite the massive dislocation this approach caused, the government also introduced a bankruptcy policy that wrung out many of the inefficient state enterprises from the economy.

Hungarian privatization policy differed from its counterparts in other countries in east-central Europe. The Hungarian government sold off companies on a trade-sale basis rather than adopting the coupon privatization of the Czech Republic, Russia, or, to a lesser extent, Poland. While the government was criticized for selling out the “family silver” to offshore investors, limits were set on foreign participation in the key strategic sectors of energy and telecommunications. This Hungarian approach to privatization was comparatively slower than those of other former communist countries, but it resulted in company-level restructuring that was absent from privatization plans implemented elsewhere.

Ironically, the same government that paved the way for a relatively strong institutional infrastructure for the emerging market economy was simultaneously weak in implementing a stable macroeconomic policy. Hungary suffered from a high debt burden and “twin deficits”—fiscal deficits and current account deficits. In the mid-1990s the International Monetary Fund and other international institutions held the country in low esteem. Lajos Bokros, finance minister for Horn, attempted a turnaround with an austerity package (since known as the Bokros package) that called for the dismantling of the last vestiges of Hungary’s expensive cradle-to-grave socialist policies. He devalued the currency, reduced social benefits, and accelerated the sale of key sectors of the Hungarian economy—such as electricity and gas—to foreign investors. While international financiers cheered these reforms, Bokros himself was widely reviled in the Hungarian press.

These economic reforms brought stability but were not without social costs, including the corruption that characterized the privatization process. State assets were secretly funneled into the companies of political apparatchiks, many of whom were never brought to justice. In consequence of this rapid privatization, property relationships during the 1990s changed significantly. In 1989 about four-fifths of the gross domestic product (GDP) was still produced by state enterprises, but by the end of the 1990s this share had been reduced to less than one-third. The bulk of the private investors were domestic, but significant foreign investment was made by Germans, Americans, Austrians, the Dutch, and the French. Privatization in the agricultural sector was rapid, with more than four-fifths of all agricultural land having moved into private hands by the end of the 20th century—even though a significant portion was not cultivated.

The postcommunist transformation brought about other unforeseen difficulties for Hungary, including the collapse of the country’s traditional eastern markets (Comecon) and the protectionist agricultural policy of the EU. Low-quality Hungarian goods and produce that had previously supplied the uncritical markets of the Soviet bloc now had to compete in the open market. The gradual reorientation of Hungarian foreign trade to the West required painful readjustments and led to trade deficits. By 1997 about three-fifths of trade was with the EU. The difficulties stemming from the transformation resulted in a radical and increasing decline in the country’s GDP as the millennium approached. Double-digit inflation was another bugbear, peaking at 35 percent in 1991 and riding a roller coaster until the end of the century. Inflation affected wages and pensions as well as employment levels, all of which showed losses in the immediate postcommunist period. Some of this unemployment was because of the collapse of the Soviet-bloc markets and the liquidation of many inefficient industrial plants and mines that had been kept in operation by the communist regime through state subsidies simply to hold down unemployment.

The introduction of the free market also resulted in the radical polarization of Hungarian society. The relatively egalitarian society of the communist years had relinquished its place to economic inequality and an increasingly class-structured society, in which the average income of the upper one-tenth of the Hungarian population was many times that of the lowest tenth. By the mid-1990s the living standards of perhaps one-third of the population had declined to below subsistence level. The collapse of the old regime also resulted in the collapse of the cradle-to-grave social welfare system, which had been the hallmark of the communist state. Although of moderate to questionable quality, the existence of that system had supplied a measure of security to the population. All of these changes in the Hungarian way of life were accompanied by the growth of corruption, the rapid spread of narcotics among the young, and a huge jump in the crime rate (between 1985 and 1997 the number of reported crimes increased from 165,000 to 514,000). As a result, beginning even in the early 1990s, a growing number of people began to think with a degree of nostalgia about the world they had left behind. According to surveys conducted in 1991, 1994, and 1995, respectively 40 percent, 51 percent, and 54 percent of the population believed that the “new system [was] worse than the old one.”

Nevertheless, at the turn of the 21st century, many saw the country’s changing nature in a very positive light. In addition to joining NATO and the EU, Hungary had been instrumental in 1999 in reviving the Visegrad Group, first established in 1991 by the leaders of Hungary (József Antall), Poland (Lech Wałęsa), and Czechoslovakia (Václav Havel). Having lapsed in 1994 because of a lack of interest by the Czech political leadership, the Visegrád Forum was revived with the inclusion of both halves of former Czechoslovakia—the Czech Republic and Slovakia. Even more dramatic was Hungary’s integration into the transatlantic world, underscored by the growing cooperation between Hungary and the United States.

In contrast, the rift between Hungary and Romania deepened. Ethnic disturbances in Romania had continued even after the fall of the Ceaușescu regime, and in February 1990 Hungary renounced their 1979 bilateral agreement, which made it impossible for Hungarians in Romania to hold dual citizenship. The continued mistreatment of the Hungarian minorities—particularly in Romania and Slovakia, but also in Serbia and Carpatho-Ukraine—was a lingering issue in the relationship between Hungary and the so-called “successor states.” The situation for the Hungarian minorities was significantly better in Austria, Croatia, and Slovenia.

In 2000 Hungary celebrated the millennium of its establishment by St. Stephen I as a Christian kingdom in the heart of Europe. (The state was actually founded prior to the year 1000, at the time of the Árpáds’ conquest of the Carpathian Basin.) As Hungary began its second millennium as a Christian state, its infrastructure had been rebuilt, its automobile stock increased, its roadways improved, its telephone system modernized, and its businesses updated. Accompanying the inflow of foreign capital and the arrival of major American, European, and Japanese corporations, important native corporations flourished. Shortages that used to characterize communist society had disappeared—albeit at the expense of emphasizing the growing difference between the haves and the have-nots. At the beginning of the 21st century, political conditions had stabilized, and the Hungarian economy had become one of the most competitive in east-central Europe. Assessing Hungary’s transformation at the end of the 1990s, the London-based Financial Times reported, “Hungary’s economy is now able to flourish untouched by political developments…to which no government can do substantial harm.”

Sadly, this projection did not turn out to be quite correct. The Socialist-Liberal coalition government elected in 2002 introduced social-spending programs that created significant problems for the Hungarian economy. By 2006 Hungary had recorded the worst fiscal deficits of any country in the EU, forcing the Gyurcsány government to introduce austerity measures reminiscent of the Bokros package of 1995. The crisis atmosphere that resulted first boiled over in September 2006, with Gyurcsány’s secret speech to the Hungarian Socialist Party, in which he acknowledged that “we did not actually do anything for four years.…Instead, we lied morning, noon, and night.” The ensuing confrontation between the Gyurcsány-led governing coalition (Hungarian Socialist Party and Alliance of Free Democrats) and the Orbán-led opposition (Fidesz) reached a symbolic flash point on October 23, 2006, the 50th anniversary of the Revolution of 1956. While Gyurcsány held a small official commemoration in front of the Parliament Building, an Orbán-led mass meeting on the streets around Hotel Astoria was interrupted by conflict between the police and demonstrators.

The Gyurcsány government’s austerity policies—largely undertaken in an attempt to hit the economic benchmarks required for inclusion in the euro currency zone—took further aim at the country’s health care system, introducing legislation in 2007 that restructured hospitals and allowed for private investment in a new system of health insurance funds. While the increasingly unpopular government was successful in reducing the deficit, in the autumn of 2008 the already shrinking Hungarian economy was rocked by an international financial crisis, and the government received a rescue package of $26 billion from the EU, the IMF, and the World Bank. Earlier in the year, more than 80 percent of the electorate had approved a Fidesz-initiated referendum to abolish fees for doctor and hospital visits and university tuition that had been enacted by the government. In March 2009 Gyurcsány, still reeling from this defeat and unable to stem the downward-spiraling economy, announced that he would resign from office. In April he was replaced as prime minister by the economics minister, Gordon Bajnai.

In parliamentary elections in April 2010, Fidesz (and its much smaller electoral coalition partner, the Christian Democratic People’s Party) crushed the Hungarian Socialist Party, capturing more than two-thirds of the seats to pave the way for Orbán to again become prime minister. As significant as Fidesz’s win and the Socialists’ poor showing was the ascendance of the right-wing Jobbik party, which won only 12 fewer seats than the Socialist Party. Although it had been a notable presence on the Hungarian political scene for only a short time, Jobbik was well known for its anti-Roma and anti-Semitic posturing.

In early October 2010 a reservoir burst at an aluminum plant in Ajka, releasing a torrent of toxic red sludge (waste product from the aluminum-making process) that inundated large tracts of southwestern Hungary, killing 10 people and injuring more than 100. Quick action by the Hungarian government averted a much larger environmental disaster, however, as emergency crews were able to dilute much of the spill’s strongly alkaline content before it contaminated the Danube.

Fidesz used its parliamentary majority throughout 2010 and 2011 to enact a series of sweeping legislative measures that culminated in the adoption of a new constitution on January 1, 2012. Conservative moral and religious themes figured prominently in the new constitution, which had a Christian emphasis, defined marriage as the union of a man and a woman, and declared that a fetus was entitled to legal protection from the moment of conception. Protests against the new constitution ensued in Hungary, and harsh foreign criticism of it included a report by the Council of Europe that raised concerns about judicial reforms that curtailed the independence of Hungarian courts. Foreign objections also played a major role in prompting the Orbán government to scale back a proposed media law that would have given Fidesz a great deal of direct control over the press.

The debt crisis that gripped the euro zone was a drag on Hungary’s finances, and all three major ratings agencies had cut the country’s credit rating to junk status by early 2012. Concern within the EU over the Hungarian government’s debt management and what some saw as the regressive nature of Hungary’s new constitution threatened continued EU and IMF financial and economic support for Hungary. Compliance with European law was seen as an essential precondition to the delivery of loan payments to Hungary, and investors and EU officials alike called for revisions to the constitution.

In the meantime, a crisis in the office of the president consumed domestic politics. In January 2012 Hungarian Web sites reported that Pres. Pál Schmitt had plagiarized significant portions of his 1992 doctoral dissertation. A subsequent investigation by the university that had conferred the degree revealed that Schmitt had copied extensively from a pair of sources, and he was stripped of his degree. In a blow to the prestige of both Orbán and Fidesz, Schmitt resigned from the largely ceremonial post in April 2012. The next month, however, János Áder, a cofounder of Fidesz, won the presidency in an election that was boycotted by the Socialists.

During 2013 Orbán’s government continued to implement a moderate austerity program, reducing welfare spending and introducing a new set of crisis taxes on banking and selected industries. It also used its parliamentary supermajority to intervene in the energy market by ordering utility companies to significantly reduce charges for all households. The popularity of that initiative contributed to Fidesz’s victory in the national parliamentary elections in April 2014, in which the party and its junior partner, the Christian Democratic People’s Party, captured more than 44 percent of the total vote, securing more than 130 seats in the 199-seat Parliament. Running on a unity slate, five left and centre-left parties—including the Hungarian Socialist Party and splinter parties led by former prime ministers Gyurcsány and Bajnai—took 26 percent of the vote, and Jobbik won more than 20 percent of the vote. Beginning his third term as prime minster, Orbán staked out a nationalist stance but yielded the full embrace of Euroskepticism to Jobbik as both parties repeated their success in the elections to the European Parliament in May 2014 (won by Fidesz, which garnered some 52 percent of the vote, with Jobbik finishing second, having taken 15 percent of the vote).

Orbán’s nationalist stance became even more pronounced in 2015 in his response to Europe’s migrant crisis. Not only did he outrage many European observers when he called the crisis a “German problem” (because of the desire of many of the migrants from turmoil-ridden countries in the Middle East and Africa to settle in prosperous Germany), but he also joined several other eastern European leaders in refusing to go along with mandatory quotas for sharing the resettlement of the migrants and refugees throughout the EU. His government’s hard-line policies regarding the plight of the migrants included construction of a barbed-wire fence the length of Hungary’s border with Serbia, to which the migrants had come on the path that led from Turkey to Greece by boat and then on through the Balkan countries toward northern Europe.

Orbán’s government put the question of EU migration policy to the Hungarian electorate in a referendum on October 2, 2016, that asked, “Do you want the European Union to be entitled to prescribe the mandatory settlement of non-Hungarian citizens in Hungary without the consent of parliament?” While Orbán’s adamant opposition to the proposition was never in doubt, the Socialists asked Hungarians to abstain from voting in an attempt to invalidate the vote and undermine Fidesz’s credibility. For some Hungarians the rejection of the EU policy was seen as the first step toward Hungary’s departure from the EU, dubbed “Huxit” in imitation of “Brexit,” the British decision to leave the EU in response to a vote to do so in a referendum in June 2016. In the Hungarian vote some 98 percent of those who went to the polls rejected the EU’s migrant-settlement policy, but, because fewer than 50 percent of eligible voters participated (about 40 percent voted), the results were invalid. Orbán still claimed victory and promised a constitutional amendment to block the imposition of the EU policy; on the other hand, there were calls for his resignation in the wake of the referendum’s failure.

Nationalism and virulent anti-immigrant rhetoric remained at the centre of Fidesz’s campaign for the 2018 legislative election, as Orbán sought a fourth term as prime minister. Fidesz exploited its dominance of the media to spread anti-Islamic fearmongering, and Orbán accused the opposition, the liberal Hungarian-born American financier and activist George Soros, the EU, and the UN of conspiring to make Hungary an “immigrant country.” All of this came despite the fact that construction of the wall on the border with Serbia had chocked the flow of immigrants to negligibility. Meanwhile, the opposition’s failure to arrive at a consistent message and a thriving economy worked in Orbán’s favour.

When the votes were counted in April, Fidesz and its junior coalition partner, the Christian Democrats, maintained their supermajority in parliament, once again capturing more than 130 seats. The right-wing Jobbik party finished second with 26 seats, and the Socialist-led leftist coalition took 20 seats. Voters cast one ballot for a list of national candidates to fill 93 seats and another to elect 106 local representatives. There was marked division between the preference of voters in Budapest, where leftist candidates won 12 of 18 seats, and those in the rest of the country, where Fidesz took 85 of 88 seats. Nonetheless, the results left Orbán in position to further consolidate his increasingly autocratic rule.

In June the National Assembly adopted the “Stop Soros” law, which prohibited nongovernmental organizations from aiding undocumented immigrants, including asylum seekers. Orbán and Fidesz suffered a major setback in September, however, when the European Parliament invoked procedures under seldom-used Article 7 to punish Hungary for its alleged violations of the EU’s “core values,” including the rule of law, judicial independence, and freedom of the press, as well as its hard-line policy toward immigrants. Having achieved the required two-thirds majority with a vote of 448–197 (with 48 abstentions), the Parliament sought to employ the theretofore never-used “nuclear option” of suspending Hungary’s voting rights. Enforcement of that punishment, however, required the unanimous vote of the leaders of all the EU’s member countries (save the country in question), which seemed improbable given the likelihood that the action would not be supported by Poland, which was in line to face the same sanction for its own government’s alleged antidemocratic policies.

In March 2019 Fidesz was suspended from the European People’s Party (EPP), the centre-right coalition that was the largest pan-European presence in the European Parliament, after it staged a media campaign featuring posters and billboards that intimated that Soros and European Commission Pres. Jean-Claude Juncker had conspired on EU migrant policy to threaten Hungarian security. Nevertheless, in the May elections, Fidesz increased its presence in the European Parliament by one seat, going from 12 to 13 seats by garnering more than 52 percent of the vote.

Roughly a year later, in late March 2020, the Fidesz-controlled Parliament enacted legislation that granted Orbán the emergency power to rule by decree, ostensibly to better address the health crisis confronting Hungary as a result of the coronavirus SARS-CoV-2 global pandemic. Passed over the strenuous objections of the opposition, the law suspended elections, mandated harsh penalties for disseminating false news, and provided no end for Orbán’s expanded powers. Because of the overall decline in Hungary’s health care system that had occurred during Orbán’s presidency, the country’s response to the pandemic was uneven at best. Although Hungary admirably withstood the first wave of the virus (first reported in China in late 2019), it fared less well during the second and third waves of the pandemic. By the spring of 2021, Hungary’s per capita death rate from causes related to COVID-19 (the disease caused by the virus) was among the highest in the world.

In the run-up to the April 2022 parliamentary elections, Orbán’s long-standing cordial relationship with Russia’s autocratic leader Vladimir Putin seemed to threaten the Hungarian prime minister’s electoral prospects in the wake of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in February, which had united the EU in outrage at the violation of Ukrainian sovereignty. Although he did not oppose the harsh punitive economic sanctions leveled on Russia by the EU and its allies, Orbán also did not allow Hungary to be used as a transit site for the provision of Western military aid for Ukraine. In the elections, Orbán and Fidesz were challenged by a six-party coalition of parties from both the left and right that was led by Péter Márki-Zay, an economist and the mayor of Hódmezővásárhely. In the end Orbán’s support in rural and small-town Hungary (abetted by gerrymandering and the government’s media monopoly, according to the opposition) once again overwhelmed his opponents, and Fidesz triumphed for the fourth consecutive time in the national elections, capturing some 54 percent of the vote to maintain its supermajority in Parliament.