- Italy in the early Middle Ages
- Italy in the 14th and 15th centuries
- Early modern Italy (16th to 18th century)
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- Italy from 1870 to 1945
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During the revolutionary triennium (1796–99), political initiative in Italy remained in French hands. The moderate heads of the post-Jacobin Directory regarded the conquered Italian territories primarily as bargaining chips. However, Napoleon, as commander of the French armies in Italy, worked actively to establish “sister republics.” He hoped for financially stable and politically dependable governments that would recognize French hegemony, adopt French legislation, and hold radical elements at bay. Thus, he supported the establishment of moderate republican governments headed by prominent Italian citizens.
The first of these, the Cispadane Republic, was established at Modena in March 1797; in July it merged with the Cisalpine Republic, which encompassed Lombardy. Although strong enough militarily to deter an Austrian offensive, the republic remained torn internally by strife between moderates and radicals. Democratic clubs and newspapers continued to resist control from Paris. Yet the moderates, under French tutelage, gradually emerged as a new bureaucratic and political class. A third republic, the Ligurian Republic, incorporating the former republic of Genoa, was proclaimed on June 6, 1797. It was ruled by members of the local aristocracy, who worked hand in hand with the Directory in Paris and blocked union with the Cisalpine Republic. In Piedmont the Savoy government suppressed Jacobin uprisings until the French forced the king to leave, annexing his territories in February 1799. When Napoleon ceded Venetia to Austria by the Treaty of Campo Formio (October 17, 1797), Italian revolutionaries felt outraged and betrayed. Ugo Foscolo expressed their disillusionment in his novel Le ultime lettere di Jacopo Ortis (1798; “The Last Letters of Jacopo Ortis”). To keep both a hostile Pope Pius VI and the democratic clubs in check, the French occupied Rome in January 1798 and proclaimed a Roman Republic on March 15. Although the democratic Constitutional Club in Rome remained strong, moderate leaders maintained control. The southern exile Vincenzo Russo described these events in his Pensieri politici (1798; “Political Meditations”), one of the most important examples of Italian Jacobin thought.
The situation in Italy changed in November 1797 when Napoleon departed on his ill-fated expedition to Egypt. Under pressure from England, King Ferdinand IV of Naples invaded the Roman Republic and attempted to restore the papal government in Rome. The French armies launched a counteroffensive. King Ferdinand took refuge in Sicily under the protection of the British fleet, and French troops occupied Naples on January 23, 1799, and established the Parthenopean Republic. Although the Parthenopean Republic controlled only some of the provinces of the former Bourbon kingdom—others remained under Bourbon rule or in the throes of anarchy—it became the most democratic of all revolutionary governments of the triennium. This owed largely to the French military commander Jean-Étienne Championnet, as well as to the commissioner Marc-Antoine Jullien. Previously a follower of Babeuf, Jullien defied the wishes of the Directory in Paris for a moderate government. The Parthenopean Republic had the enthusiastic support of a number of southern intellectuals and notables (members of the social or economic elite).
Collapse of the republics
Early in 1799 the French situation in Italy deteriorated rapidly. After the birth of the Second Coalition against France (March 1799), Austrian and Russian troops were able to occupy the Cisalpine Republic and to reach Turin in less than two months. Thus, the French lost the entire Po valley. In addition, most of the French army was forced to withdraw from Naples. The destruction of the Parthenopean Republic was the work of bands of peasants organized by Fabrizio Cardinal Ruffo, a faithful adherent of the king. Ruffo’s bands quickly disposed of the weak democratic militia. Their Armata della Santa Fede (“Army of the Holy Faith”) was the most important peasant uprising in the history of modern Italy. Invoking God and king, they devastated the castles of the aristocracy and occupied communal lands that the local barons had usurped; they also killed bourgeois leaders who had set up provisional municipal governments. The reaction against the French and the indigenous Jacobins became a great antiaristocratic movement, which the Bourbon monarchy skillfully manipulated to its advantage. Naples surrendered on June 23, 1799, and soon afterward the king returned from Sicily. At the behest of the British admiral Horatio Nelson and Queen Maria Carolina, wife of Ferdinand and a sister of Marie-Antoinette of France, the king (violating the terms of the surrender) ordered the execution of more than 100 revolutionary leaders. Among them were the best southern administrators, jurists, and intellectuals.
The French, who had occupied Tuscany between March and July 1799, were driven out by a violent peasant uprising, the Viva Maria (“Long Live the Virgin Mary”). This movement developed into a march on urban centers, assaults on Jewish residents, and a hunt for real or alleged local Jacobins; it also reestablished the power of the landowning aristocracy and of the clergy. The Roman Republic fell in September 1799. The French resisted only in Genoa, while a large number of Italian Jacobins took refuge in France. Thus ended the revolutionary triennium.
The pro-French patrioti (“patriots”) had completely failed to enlist the support of the masses. From the summer of 1796 the rural districts were in ferment but almost always in opposition to the new rulers. There were peasant marches on cities in Lombardy, the Romagna, and Tuscany. Armed bands controlled or recaptured parts of the Marche, Tuscany, and the Kingdom of Naples. In some cities, such as Verona and especially Naples, popular dislike of the French and the local Jacobins was manifest. This antirevolutionary sentiment derived to some extent from the influence of the clergy and the high taxes levied by the republican regimes. However, it stemmed primarily from the populace’s ingrained and instinctive conservatism, which only the gradual development of a grassroots opposition movement was later able to overcome.
The Italian Jacobins, defeated in domestic political struggles, also suffered a deep loss of respect for their French ally. Money levies for military purposes degenerated into pure plunder; constitutions were not democratically drafted but dictated by the French; supporters of the democratic opposition were jailed or removed from office. Worst of all, Napoleon showed an autocratic tendency and a lack of commitment to republicanism in his policy of returning the king of Sardinia-Piedmont to the throne in the summer of 1796 and of ceding Venetia to the Habsburgs in 1797. Disillusionment with French policies, however, did not reconcile the Italian Jacobins with their former rulers; instead, it bolstered their nationalism. In Piedmont, for instance, a secret society, I Raggi (“The Beams of Light”), advocated a democratic, unionist, and anti-French program that would lead Italy toward unity and independence.
The French Consulate, 1799–1804
After gaining control of France in his coup d’état of 18–19 Brumaire (November 9–10, 1799), Napoleon renewed his Italian campaign. His armies crossed the Alps again, this time through the difficult Great Saint Bernard Pass, and reoccupied Milan on June 2, 1800. A few days later they scored a definitive victory over the Austrians at Marengo, between the Po and Bormida rivers. Defeated also on German soil, the Second Coalition quickly collapsed. The Treaty of Lunéville (February 9, 1801) reestablished the Ligurian and Cisalpine republics. Piedmont was reannexed to France in September 1802, together with Elba and Piombino. The duchy of Parma was also annexed, although annexation became official only in 1808. Even in Tuscany, Austrian influence ended when Louis, son of Ferdinand of Parma, was declared king of Etruria. In northern Italy, Austria retained only Venetia, while France directly or indirectly controlled the areas from the Alps to the Tuscan coast. In the south the papal and Bourbon governments remained in power, but their positions were weak.
The second Cisalpine Republic, established in June 1800, proved to be a transitional regime, since it lacked the necessary combined support of the moderates and landowners. In Paris Napoleon’s most trusted adviser on Italian affairs was the Milanese patrician Francesco Melzi d’Eril, who during the triennium had hoped to see northern Italy united in a constitutional monarchy under a Habsburg or Bourbon prince. Melzi was the most clear-sighted exponent of an older moderate ruling class that still yearned for enlightened autocracy. Napoleon also favored the formation of a large Italian state, provided he could control it. His preference was for an Italian republic with a constitution on the French model. Central authority was to be vested in a president, with a relatively weak representative body divided among three estates—landowners, merchants and tradesmen, and intellectuals and clerics. Napoleon wanted to assume the presidency himself or to name a member of his family to the position. At Melzi’s insistence, however, the new state was not simply proclaimed by the French but was created by an Italian constituent assembly meeting in Lyon, France, in January 1802. Napoleon was elected president of the new Italian Republic, though not without opposition, and Melzi became its vice president. Melzi pursued a policy of compromise and co-option. Although notables, mostly members of the aristocracy, held most of the prefectures and ministries, representatives of the democratic opposition were gradually included and given important posts. Throughout the Napoleonic period, the republican government worked to create an Italian army, and enduring nationalist sentiments emerged in military ranks. Serving as administrators and political leaders, the local nobles and educated bourgeois for the first time felt an obligation to govern and defend their country together.
