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After September 1943, partisan Resistance groups were active throughout northern and much of central Italy. Often they were former soldiers cut off from home and still in possession of their weapons. Many were young men fleeing Mussolini’s attempts to conscript them. Others were urban evacuees or released prisoners of war. Many were recruited, organized, and armed by the anti-Fascist parties or at least owed vague allegiance to one of them. They were most active in summer in the hills and mountains, where they were usually supported by the peasants, and they tied down thousands of German troops. In some areas they were a virtual armed uprising against not only the Germans and Fascists but also against the local landowners. Partisans were fighting three types of war: a civil war against Italian Fascists, a war of national liberation against German occupation, and a class war against the ruling elites. Communist Party groups fought all three types. Catholic or monarchist partisans, on the other hand, fought only one or two of these. There were also terrorist groups operating in the cities, and major strikes in industrial areas sabotaged war production. Sometimes, different partisan groups came into conflict with each other, but in general the Resistance was united. Nonetheless, those who actually fought as partisans were a small minority of Italians, and most civilians and ex-soldiers simply waited for the war to end. In all, about 200,000 partisans took part in the Resistance, and German or Fascist forces killed some 70,000 Italians (including both partisans and civilians) for Resistance activities. Ultimately, however, these figures do not indicate the extent of civilian participation in the Resistance, which scholars continue to debate.
The various political parties organized most of the partisan units, but they also cooperated with one another and the Allies. The Communist Party, although still very small in 1943 (about 5,000 members), led the largest group of partisans (at least 50,000 by summer 1944), drawing on years of experience in underground organization and on Yugoslav support. Success in the Resistance transformed the Communists into a major force in postwar Italian politics. The new Party of Action was also very active in the Resistance, constituting about one-fourth of all partisan units. It had a strong commitment to radical political change (including the change to a republic and a purge of officials) as well as to military victory. The Christian Democrats included roughly 20,000 partisans, and both Socialists and Liberals had significant armed bands in some areas. Partisans of different political persuasions normally worked together in local Committees of National Liberation (CLNs), which coordinated strategy, cooperated with the Allies, administered liberated areas, and appointed new officials. Above all, they organized the uprisings in the northern and central cities, including Milan in April 1945, which fell to the partisans before Allied troops arrived. In some cities the partisan liberation appeared to be a revolution—as in Genoa, Turin (where the Fiat factories were occupied), and Bologna—and red flags, Italian flags, and American flags greeted the “liberating” Allied troops. Some smaller zones actually became “republics” for weeks or even months, such as Alba and Val d’Ossola in Piedmont. Many radical partisans expected there to be a revolution in postwar Italy and failed to hand in their arms at the bidding of the Allies in 1945. Still, the partisans’ cooperation in the CLNs had laid the foundation for postwar political collaboration.
Italy since 1945
The first decades after World War II
Birth of the Italian republic
When World War II ended in Europe in May 1945, all the anti-Fascist parties formed a predominantly northern government led by the Resistance hero and Party of Action leader Ferruccio Parri. The CLNs continued to administer the northern regions and the larger northern factories for a short time. Up to 15,000 Fascists were purged or killed, and in some areas (such as Emilia and Tuscany) reprisals continued through 1946. Women “collaborators” had their heads shaved and were paraded through the streets. A commission was set up to purge Fascists throughout the country. (A similar body had been operating in the south since 1943.) The purges caused much alarm, as virtually anybody with a job in the public sector had had to be a member of the Fascist Party. Soon there was an anti-purge backlash, supported by the Liberals. In reality, the purges were short-lived and superficial, and even leading Fascists were able to benefit from a series of amnesties, the most important of which was backed by the Communist minister of justice, Togliatti. In November 1945 Parri was forced to resign and was replaced by the Christian Democratic leader, Alcide De Gasperi, who formed a more moderate—and “Roman,” or southern—interparty government. It soon gave up attempts at a purge, returned the large industrial firms to their previous owners, and replaced the partisan administrators in the north with ordinary state officials. In general, the Italian purges went much less far than those in Germany, and there was considerable continuity in many areas, including the judiciary, the police force, and the body of legislation created in the 1920s and ’30s.
In May 1946 King Victor Emmanuel III finally formally abdicated. His son briefly became King Umberto II, but the royal family was forced to leave the country a month later when a referendum decided in favor of a republic by 54 percent of the votes cast. (When the new constitution was adopted the following year, it stated that no male members of the Savoy family could live in Italy; the rule was rescinded in 2002.) Many southerners, including 80 percent of Neapolitans, voted for the monarchy, but the center and north opted overwhelmingly for the republic. The “May king,” his father, and the monarchy in general had been punished not only for supporting Mussolini but also for their cowardly behavior in the face of German occupation.
At the same time, a Constituent Assembly was elected by universal suffrage—including women for the first time—to draw up a new constitution. The three largest parties—the Christian Democrats, Socialists, and Communists—took three-fourths of the votes and seats and dominated the assembly. The Christian Democrats, with more than one-third of the votes and seats, began their postwar dominance as the most powerful party, although the Liberals, whose deputies included several constitutional lawyers, had a major impact on the new constitution, as did the Communists and Socialists. Over the next three years, the assembly discussed (in 170 sessions) what form the new Italian state should take, in a climate of democratic debate and collaboration. The constitution was finally ready and signed in December 1947 and took effect on January 1, 1948.
The Constitution of the Republic of Italy established a parliamentary system of government with two elected houses (Chamber of Deputies and Senate). It also guaranteed civil and political rights and established an independent judiciary, a constitutional court with powers of judicial review, and the right of citizens’ referendum. Many of these measures, however, were not implemented for several years. The Constitutional Court was not set up until 1955, and the first abrogative referendum was held only in 1974. The president was to be elected by parliament and had few real powers. The electoral system had a high level of proportional representation. Legislation had to pass through both elected chambers, but decrees could be issued by the Council of Ministers. The 1929 Lateran Treaty with the church was recognized in a Communist-inspired compromise. Autonomous regional governments were promised and were soon operating in the outlying zones—Sicily, Sardinia, Valle d’Aosta, Trentino–Alto Adige (including South Tirol), and (after 1963) Friuli–Venezia Giulia—inhabited by populations with linguistic or ethnic differences from those in the rest of Italy. In short, the constitution was an “anti-Fascist” document, providing for weak governments and individual liberty—exactly the opposite of what Mussolini had attempted.
