It was, in fact, in the 1290s and the hundred years that followed—broadly speaking, the same period in which the signorie were consolidating their position—that the two principal republics established and secured the essentials of their constitutions, which were to last (in the case of Florence) into the 16th and (in the case of Venice) even into the late 18th century. At the beginning of this period the dominion of Venice included the islands of the lagoon and the dogado, a thin strip of the mainland around the lagoon, along with an overseas empire consisting of most of the Dalmatian coast, the island of Corfu, various islands in the Aegean, the coasts of the Peloponnese, and Crete. The overseas territories were often valuable in themselves, and they served also as a series of staging areas for Venetian commerce. In the establishment of the city’s constitution, the key moment came in February 1297, when the Great Council, in which sovereignty resided, was expanded to take in more than 1,000 members. From that time forward, and in particular from the 1320s, admission to that body became more difficult, and from the 1390s it ceased altogether. What has been traditionally described as “the closing (serrata) of the Great Council”—that is, the creation of an oligarchic government dominated by a fixed hereditary caste—did not occur in 1297 but actually extended over some 100 years from that date.

From its members the Great Council elected the Senate, the Lesser Council, the Quarantia (judiciary), the Council of Ten, all the committees of government, and, by an extremely elaborate system of lot, the doge. The “Excellent Lord, by the Grace of God, Doge of Venice, Duke of Dalmatia and Croatia, the Most Serene Prince” enjoyed immense prestige and had an important role in the coordination of government. Yet, however powerful his personality, he was increasingly bound by his councils. In reaction against such control, the doge Marin Falier, from one of the greatest families of the city, conspired in April 1355 to overturn the sovereignty of the nobility. He paid for the attempt with his life. A century later (1457) the patriciate were to show their strength again when the Council of Ten deposed Francesco Foscari. The power of the doge diminished; henceforth, he could promote his own initiatives only by submitting them to the Great Council and the Senate.

The Venetian Senate originally comprised 60 members (the Pregadi), but by 1450 it had grown to 300 members, of whom some 200 had the right to vote. It was particularly concerned with foreign policy, war, and matters of commerce. Its chosen ambassadors constituted the first and finest diplomatic service in Europe. In addition to their regular dispatches, these men were expected on their return from duty to produce a detailed account (relazione) of the government and country to which they had been sent. The Senate also organized the fleets and the recruitment and supervision of condottieri (see below); it controlled the markets of grain, salt, wine, and oil; and it built the principal merchant galleys and organized the regular convoys (mudae) in which they sailed to “Romania” (Constantinople and the Black Sea), “Flanders” (London and Brugge), and Tunis. The Senate auctioned the lease of ships for each voyage, nominated their master mariners, and laid down elaborate regulations for their crewing and equipment.

Alongside the Great Council and the Senate stood the Council of Ten. In 1310 Baiamonte Tiepolo and other nobles had sought to seize power from the dominant faction in the Great Council. It was after the suppression of this conspiracy that the Great Council created the Council of Ten, armed with exceptional powers. At first it was to exist for a limited time to watch over the security of the state, but, after the attempted coup by Marin Falier in 1355, the Council of Ten became permanently established. Its members controlled the secret police, espionage, and counterespionage, and they exercised in some measure their own judicial system. From that power base they came to exert a strong influence on financial and diplomatic administration.

Below the patrician class, who formed and monopolized all the political offices of the Venetian state, existed a less-privileged class, that of the citizens. Consisting of about 2,500 males of the status of notaries and the like, they controlled the civil service. Their leader, the grand chancellor, though not a patrician, was, as head of the civil service, one of the most important men in the republic. Outside the ranks of the citizens were the disenfranchised majority of the population—labourers, shopkeepers, artisans, and, in great numbers, seamen.

Under this constitution the Serenissima (“Most Serene Republic”) produced the most satisfactory form of government and society known in the world at that time. Petrarch’s praises of

the most miraculous city of Venice, rich in gold but richer in fame, strong in power but stronger in virtue, built on both solid marble and the harmony of its citizens, secured more by the harmony of its citizens than by its surrounding seas,

echoed a virtually universal praise. Such rhetoric, typical of most discussions of the republic from the 13th to the 16th century, gained its persuasive power from the real social concord that the Venetian government, like no other, indeed provided. This outstanding success at home was matched by victories abroad. In the second (1294–99) and third (1351–55) Genoese-Venetian wars, the Genoese, the Venetians’ principal economic rivals, gained numerous victories against the republic, and in the fourth war (1378–81) they temporarily seized Chioggia and Malamocco, on the lagoon at the heart of Venice’s power. Yet in the end, with the superiority of its state structure and civic spirit, Venice always won these wars. In the overseas empire a careful administration secured from its peoples, if not passionate loyalty, at least a submission that drew no small strength from the threat of an alternative Turkish dominion.