Most of the Papal States were included in the united Kingdom of Italy, proclaimed in 1861, but Rome was excluded. Attempts by the military leader Giuseppe Garibaldi to capture the city in 1862 and 1867 were unsuccessful, but the withdrawal of the French garrison supporting Pope Pius IX allowed Italian troops to enter Rome on September 20, 1870. In all, 49 Italian soldiers and 19 papal troops were killed in the so-called “breach of Porta Pia” (Porta Pia being one of the city’s old gates). The pope’s temporal power was lost.

After a plebiscite in October 1870, Rome became the capital of a united Italy. Pius refused to accept the Italian government’s offer of settlement and styled himself a prisoner in the Vatican. The pope ordered Catholics to withhold their support from the new Italian state; he also excommunicated united Italy’s first king, Victor Emmanuel II. Undeterred, the Italian government filled Rome with huge ministerial buildings and barracks. The strong anticlerical feeling in the city was symbolized by the erection of a monument to the Renaissance philosopher and condemned heretic Giordano Bruno in 1889, amid strong protests from the Vatican. The ambiguous relationship between the Italian state and the pope was not resolved until the Lateran Treaty came into effect in 1929; in this agreement, the papacy recognized the state of Italy, with Rome as its capital, and Italy recognized the pope’s sovereignty within Vatican City.

Meanwhile, in 1871 King Victor Emmanuel took up residence in Rome’s Palazzo del Quirinale, formerly a papal palace. From there he presided over important parliamentary and civic events. After his death in 1878, his body was laid to rest not in Turin, with other members of the Savoy family, but in the Pantheon in Rome. Successive Italian monarchs lived at the Quirinal Palace until 1943.

After World War I (1914–18) Rome was the site of numerous demonstrations and strikes in support of the growing socialist movement. At the same time, it was a centre for early fascist activity, especially among the city’s students. In October 1922 the leader of the National Fascist Party, Benito Mussolini, organized the March on Rome, in which thousands of uniformed and often armed supporters of fascism converged on the capital. For a time, it appeared as if civil war were inevitable; however, King Victor Emmanuel III gave in to Mussolini’s demands and pronounced him prime minister. Mussolini set up court in Rome, where he remained for over 20 years.

In June 1924 Giacomo Matteotti, a representative of the Italian Socialist Party, was kidnapped in Rome after having made a speech denouncing the Fascist Party. His battered body was found several weeks later. Convinced that the Fascists were responsible for the crime, the political opposition left the parliament in protest. Yet instead of bringing down the Fascist Party, the crisis ended with Mussolini’s daring his critics to prosecute him for the murder.

As Mussolini fashioned himself the absolute dictator of Italy, Rome became the Fascist city par excellence. His regime cut some new routes through the city, often in an attempt to create more “historic” and grand boulevards as well as entrances to certain areas, such as Piazza San Pietro. He also filled the city with modern architectural works and monuments. From a balcony in Piazza Venezia, Mussolini gave many speeches before swelling crowds, largely comprising members of Rome’s middle class. (Working-class Romans generally were not supporters of the Fascist Party.) Mussolini announced Italy’s entry into World War II in June 1940 from the same balcony.

In July 1943 Rome saw the overthrow and arrest of Mussolini, and statues of the dictator were torn down all over the city. An armistice with the Allied armies was declared that September, but, with the Germans advancing, the king fled south. As Germans took over the city, a resistance movement coalesced, and many soldiers and ordinary Romans fought to defend Rome. In March 1944 a resistance group killed 33 German troops in a daring daylight bomb attack. In retaliation, however, the Nazis rounded up 335 people and shot them in caves—the Fosse Ardeatine—outside the city. As in the rest of German-occupied Italy, the Nazis also targeted Jews, many of whom were sent to prisons or concentration camps. In October 1943 more than 1,000 Jews were rounded up in Rome’s ghetto and sent to death camps; only about a dozen survived. Meanwhile, despite the pope’s declaration that Rome was to be an “open city,” without military conflict, the German occupation elicited massive bombing by the Allies, who finally liberated the city in June 1944.

After the war, living conditions in the city were desperate. Rome’s population had grown rapidly after 1870, passing the 500,000 mark before World War I and reaching more than 1,000,000 by 1930. Its area of settlement had expanded well beyond the old walls of the ancient city, and many citizens ended up in the squalid shantytowns of the immediate countryside. In 1952 more than 90,000 people were estimated to be living in huts, caves, cellars, and other types of substandard housing, mainly on the urban periphery. Slowly, however, the city was rebuilt and returned to normality.

The first deputies in Italy’s new Constituent Assembly were elected in 1946; in the same year, the king was forced to leave Rome after a referendum declared Italy a republic. A new constitution came into force in 1948. Rome remained the centre of Italy’s political life, and the offices of all the main political parties and trade unions were located there. The city was run, in the main, by the Christian Democratic Party (see Italian Popular Party) after 1945.

Many of the city’s Christian Democratic administrations were not afraid to indulge in the corrupt practices common to the city councils of southern Italy. Moreover, rampant building speculation in the 1950s and ’60s led to construction without real planning or an eye toward conserving the unique nature of the city. A number of scandals were exposed in the 1960s by a series of journalistic campaigns under the slogan “Capital corrupted, nation infected.”

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Nevertheless, Rome maintained a sense of prestige as it hosted two significant international events in the postwar era. In 1957 the Treaties of Rome were signed in the city by representatives of Italy, Belgium, France, West Germany, Luxembourg, and the Netherlands. These agreements established important institutions that later evolved into the European Union. In the summer of 1960 Rome was the site of the Olympic Games. The government used the sporting event, broadcast live on television, to promote an image of a united and modern Italy. It also showcased the successful building projects linked to the Olympics, especially the Olympic Village.

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In the cultural realm, Rome became a centre for filmmaking after World War II. Directors of the Neorealist movement used Rome as the backdrop for their polemics on Italian society and the failures of postwar reconstruction. Roberto Rossellini’s Roma città aperta (1945; Open City) and Vittorio De Sica’s Ladri di biciclette (1948; The Bicycle Thief) were prominent examples of Neorealism. Federico Fellini made most of his films in the city—notably, La dolce vita (1960; “The Sweet Life”) and Roma (1971; Fellini’s Roma). Pier Paolo Pasolini depicted the peripheral society of the capital in Accattone (1961) and Mamma Roma (1962). Meanwhile, lighter fare, particularly the American film Roman Holiday (1953), heightened international affinity for the city. That and many other American movies, such as Ben-Hur (1959) and Cleopatra (1963), were made at Rome’s Cinecittà Studios—which became known as “Hollywood on the Tiber.” (See also history of the motion picture: The war years and post-World War II trends.)

Beginning in the late 1960s, a massive student movement in the city radicalized urban politics, especially in the wake of the 1968 Valle Giulia riot at the University of Rome, in which thousands of students—many of them demanding a liberalization of the educational system—clashed with police. The university also became host to frequent battles between left- and right-wing students. During the same period, a number of abortive coup attempts, in which plotters attempted to take over the government, took place. Rome subsequently switched political allegiances and elected a centre-left administration in the 1970s. Centre-left mayors, who ran the city for some years into the 1980s, accomplished little beyond changes in cultural policy.

In the 1970s the movement that grew out of the student protests became more extreme. Many young people were attracted by the violent rhetoric of the ultraleftist “autonomist” groups or by the neofascist movement, which had long had a following in the capital. Some, on both the left and the right, even took the road of terrorism. On March 16, 1978, Prime Minister Aldo Moro was kidnapped at gunpoint in the centre of Rome by members of the militant left-wing Red Brigades and was held captive for 54 days. After a series of fruitless negotiations, Moro was murdered. Although the threat of terrorism abated in the early 1980s, the attempted assassination of Pope John Paul II, who was shot by a Turkish gunman in Piazza San Pietro in 1981, shocked the city and the world. The precise reason for the attack was never determined.

In the 1980s Rome was governed by a series of centre-right coalitions, many of which became embroiled in corrupt practices, often involving the awarding of public works contracts. Angered by the corruption, as well as by the concentration of power and money in the capital, some regionalist parties began calling the capital Roma ladrona (“Rome the thief”). In 1993, in the wake of further corruption scandals, a centre-left politician, Francesco Rutelli, was elected mayor of Rome in a runoff against right-wing candidate Gianfranco Fini. Rutelli proceeded to transform the city: he cracked down on illegal construction, worked toward ameliorating Rome’s traffic problems, and recommenced a series of blocked improvement projects. Meanwhile, the city’s service sector—especially financial, professional, housing, and insurance services—grew dramatically throughout the 1990s. This boom revolutionized Rome’s economy, which was no longer limited to the traditional economic activities related to government and tourism.

Rutelli was reelected in 1997 by a huge majority. In 2000 a new city plan, the first since 1962, was adopted. Also that year, despite dire predictions, the city successfully hosted a vast and complicated series of celebrations linked to the Catholic Jubilee. In 2001 Rutelli was succeeded by another centre-left mayor, Walter Veltroni. Rutelli ran again for mayor in 2008 but was defeated by the right-wing candidate, Gianni Alemanno, known for his past ties to the neofascist movement.

Alemanno was one of dozens of officials arrested in connection with the so-called Mafia Capitale scandal, which saw millions of euros in public funds diverted to a pair of criminal ringleaders. City services, including trash collection, public transit, and public housing, were affected by the embezzlement and kickback scheme. Ignazio Marino of the Democratic Party (Partito Democratico) was elected in 2013, and, while he was not directly implicated in the Mafia Capitale investigation, the shadow of corruption hung over his administration. Basic municipal services were neglected, and a social media campaign drew attention to private citizens who had taken it upon themselves to clean Rome’s trash-filled streets. Marino resigned in October 2015 after becoming embroiled in an expenses scandal, and leadership of the city passed to a special commissioner. Marino was acquitted of charges of embezzlement and fraud the following year. Although he was subsequently found guilty by an Italian appellate court, that verdict was overturned in 2019 by the Supreme Court of Cassation, which ruled that “no crime was committed.”

Just a month after Marino’s resignation, Pope Francis inaugurated an extraordinary Year of Jubilee that would draw an estimated 20 million pilgrims to Rome. That event focused international attention on some of the city’s endemic problems, and Beppe Grillo’s populist Five Star Movement experienced one of its highest-profile successes when Five Star candidate Virginia Raggi was elected mayor of Rome in June 2016. The 37-year-old Raggi was Rome’s first female mayor as well as its youngest, and she won a landslide victory on a pledge to end corruption in the Eternal City. Within months of taking office, however, Raggi became the target of a series of investigations for abuse of power and cronyism, and Romans saw little improvement in city services. By 2017 Rome’s waste management issues had grown into a full-fledged public health crisis; the city’s rat population spiked, and wild boars—drawn from the countryside by piles of uncollected garbage—became an increasingly common hazard on Rome’s streets.

Rome today continues to be a contradictory city, its historic and wealthy neighbourhoods coexisting with vast swathes of poverty in its peripheries and among its immigrant populations. Moreover, despite being the capital of Italy as well as the centre of Roman Catholicism, Rome has never easily occupied the preeminent position held by other national capitals, such as London or Paris. Other Italian cities—notably, Milan (the “moral capital”), Turin (the “industrial capital”), and Florence (a capital of Italian art)—have long challenged Rome’s status. At the beginning of the 21st century, as the idea of decentralization—particularly the devolution of certain political powers to the regions—remained a perennial political topic, the Eternal City’s role within Italy lay in the balance.