An upsurge of nationalism was the unexpected and unintended consequence of Gorbachev’s attempt to grapple with the Soviet Union’s mounting economic problems. Beginning in 1986, Gorbachev launched a campaign for an ill-defined economic perestroika (“restructuring”) and called for an honest confrontation with real problems, or glasnost (“openness”), which further entailed popular involvement in the process. In the non-Russian republics, these policies opened the opportunity to voice not merely economic but also predominantly national concerns.

In contrast to the rapid growth of mass movements in the Baltic and Transcaucasian republics, in Ukraine the national revival stimulated by glasnost developed only gradually. From mid-1986 the Ukrainian press and media, at first cautiously, began to broach long-forbidden topics. While this process expanded and intensified, the spontaneous formation locally of unofficial groups, primarily in Kyiv and Lviv, began in 1987. The year 1988 witnessed the rise of mass mobilization, with the first public demonstrations—in Lviv from June through August and in Kyiv in November—and the emergence of embryonic national organizations. Finally, the national revival in Ukraine entered the stage of overt politicization in 1989.

In the three years 1987–89, new leaders emerged. Especially prominent were many cultural activists from the shestydesyatnyky of the Shelest period, as well as former dissidents. The issues that galvanized Ukrainian society at this time included such traditional concerns as language, culture, and history, resurgent interests such as religion, and new concerns over the environment and the economy.

Russification and the parlous state of the Ukrainian language in schools, publishing, and state administration received the earliest attention. Fears about the long-term language trends were confirmed by data from the 1989 census: at the same time that Ukrainians had declined as a percentage of Ukraine’s population, their attachment to Ukrainian as their native language had fallen even more rapidly. Debates over the issue culminated in the passage of a language law in autumn 1989 that for the first time gave Ukrainian official status as the republic’s state language.

A campaign to fill in the “blank spots” in history aimed to restore public awareness of neglected or suppressed historical events and figures such as Hetman Ivan Mazepa, to rehabilitate historians such as Mykhaylo Hrushevsky, and to republish banned works of pre-Soviet historical scholarship. Particularly intense were efforts to introduce knowledge of the Stalin period, especially the Great Famine of 1932–33, which became labeled the “Ukrainian genocide.” Fresh revelations appeared in the press about mass graves of political prisoners executed in the Stalin era. To honour the victims of Stalinism and to promote investigations of the repressions and famine of the 1930s, the All-Ukrainian “Memorial” Society was founded in March 1989 based on already existing local groups.

A religious revival was also under way in 1988, greatly stimulated by celebrations of a millennium of Christianity in Kyivan (Kievan) Rus. Lavish government-supported Russian Orthodox solemnities in Moscow were countered with unofficial celebrations throughout Ukraine, including open observances by the proscribed Greek Catholics. As bishops and clergy emerged from the underground, demands grew for the relegalization of the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church. Defections by the clergy and entire congregations from Russian Orthodoxy began in the fall of 1989, and, on the eve of Gorbachev’s visit to the Vatican in December, Soviet authorities announced that Greek Catholic communities would be allowed official registration. In a parallel development, the formation of an initiative group for the restoration of the Ukrainian Autocephalous Orthodox Church was proclaimed in February 1989 in Kyiv.

Continuing revelations about the scale of the Chernobyl catastrophe and mounting evidence of official wrongdoing in its aftermath, combined with fresh disclosures about other disasters and the environmental ruination of Ukraine, engendered a widespread ecological movement. On the initiative of scientists and writers, environmental groups were formed in virtually every region, and in December 1987 they joined in a national association, Zeleny Svit (“Green World”). In the course of 1989, Zeleny Svit evolved into a potent political force led by the writer Yury Shcherbak. (See also environmentalism.)

The traditionally passive industrial workers in Ukraine also became organized, especially in the Donbas. Years of neglect by Moscow resulted in steady deterioration of the coal-mining industry and increasingly hazardous working conditions in the mines. Complaints in the form of letters by miners began to appear as early as 1985. But it was only in July 1989 that a spontaneous movement of self-organization by Donbas miners led to a strike. Concessions extended by Moscow were insufficient to stem the growing alienation. In the course of the year, the overwhelmingly Russian-speaking miners, with concerns far removed from those of the Ukrainian cultural intelligentsia, began to be drawn to the Ukrainian national movement as a defender of their interests in confrontation with Moscow.

The first significant organization with an overtly political agenda was launched in March 1988. This was the Ukrainian Helsinki Union, formed by recently released political prisoners, many of whom had been members of the Helsinki Watch Group of the mid-1970s. The Helsinki Union’s declared aim was the restoration of Ukraine’s sovereignty as the main guarantee of its population’s national and human rights and the transformation of the U.S.S.R. into a genuine confederation of states. Headed by Levko Lukyanenko, with Vyacheslav Chornovil as an important leader, the Ukrainian Helsinki Union had branches in all regions of Ukraine by 1989.

At all stages, the process of national revival and autonomous self-organization encountered bitter resistance from the CPU, which under Shcherbytsky remained among the most unreconstructed of the U.S.S.R.’s republican Communist Party organizations. Opposition to the rising democratic forces took the form of propaganda attacks in the press and media, intimidation, harassment, and occasional arrests. Shcherbytsky himself continued firmly in charge of the CPU, in a sign of Moscow’s fear of destabilization in Ukraine. Nevertheless, the official policies of perestroika and glasnost inhibited more-extreme measures, while the example of rapid change in other republics, especially the Baltics, emboldened democratic Ukrainian activists.