Dissatisfied with their limited representation on the Legislative Council of New South Wales, the Port Phillip pastoralists agitated for separation. In 1851 Victoria became a separate colony with an Executive Council appointed by the British crown and a Legislative Council, partly elected and partly appointed, effectively dominated by conservative landed interests.

In 1851 the discovery of gold at Warrandyte, 16 miles (26 km) from Melbourne, led to a dramatic rush; other discoveries followed. By the end of 1851 half the men of the colony were working on the goldfields. In 10 years an extraordinary wealth of gold was won, the fields at Ballarat and Bendigo being the most important. More than 200,000 immigrants arrived from Britain and 25,000 from China. By 1860 the population of Victoria had exceeded 500,000 and constituted nearly half of the Australian total.

Gold transformed Victoria from a pastoral backwater into the most celebrated colony of the empire. The comparatively well-educated and skilled artisans lured by gold produced a society renowned for its attachment to 19th-century middle-class values and institutions. Although actual opportunities soon contracted and a Melbourne working class rapidly emerged, Victoria was noted for its economic individualism and opportunism and for its material progress and financial speculation, as well as for its imperial loyalty and political pragmatism.

The establishment of the University of Melbourne (1853), the Melbourne Public Library (1856), and the forerunner of the National Gallery of Victoria (1861) were manifestations of “Marvellous Melbourne’s” confidence. The city also expresses its pride by hosting the annual Melbourne Cup (first run 1861), Australia’s richest horse race, and through its passion for Australian rules football, played with quasi-religious devotion unknown elsewhere in the country. Even the disastrous Victorian Exploring Expedition under Robert O’Hara Burke and William John Wills from Melbourne to the Gulf of Carpentaria in 1860 and the frontier discontent that culminated in the hanging of the extraordinary bushranger (outlaw) Ned Kelly in 1880 failed to dent the optimism of “the rush to be rich.”

The gold rushes produced a spectacular but short-lived boom. By 1854 Melbourne was suffering from a severe economic depression. Financial stringency and waning alluvial yields aggravated discontent on the goldfields. The miners resented the fee demanded for a mining license and the brutal fashion in which it was collected by the goldfields’ police. This discontent culminated in a rebellion at Eureka, near Ballarat. Licenses were burned and a republican flag was hoisted. On Dec. 3, 1854, soldiers and police stormed the rebels’ stockade. According to some sources, 30 miners and at least 4 soldiers were killed. But the incident hastened the redress of the miners’ grievances and gave colonial radicals symbols and martyrs.

Victoria attained self-government in 1855. The new constitution set up two houses of Parliament—a Legislative Council of 34 members, elected on a limited property franchise, and a Legislative Assembly, elected on a wider property and income franchise. The Legislative Council remained the stronghold of the wealthy conservative landowners and the main obstacle to land reform. But in the 1860s a series of land acts, designed to encourage small freeholders and to “unlock” the large grazing leases of the pastoralists, helped establish small wheat farmers in the Mallee and Wimmera regions. Victoria, previously an importer of flour, became Australia’s largest wheat producer by the end of the century. In other districts, however, the wealthy pastoralists managed by guile and financial manipulation to evade the land acts, and very many of them acquired freeholds to large estates at low prices, especially in the fertile Western District.

In 1871 the property qualification for the Legislative Council was reduced and the tenure of its members shortened. In 1888 additional electoral reforms for both houses were passed. With few exceptions, single-member constituencies became the rule for the Legislative Assembly. In 1899 plural voting for the assembly was abolished, and in 1900 postal voting was introduced. A free, compulsory, and secular educational system was established in 1872. The introduction of an eight-hour working day in 1856 began a series of social and industrial reforms, which produced a minimum wage and standard hours and conditions of employment in the 1890s. Victoria also embarked on constructing Australia’s largest manufacturing sector, sheltered behind a high protective tariff; for a century it was the financial capital of the country.

By the end of the 1880s the state’s prosperity had expanded into a speculative boom. The crash came in 1891, aggravated by a sharp fall in the prices of Victoria’s main exports, wool and wheat. In 1891–92 nearly two dozen finance societies and land banks collapsed, and in 1893 all but three of the trading banks closed their doors. The depression that followed was marked by high unemployment and industrial unrest; it lasted almost 20 years. These disasters transformed Victorian politics and socioeconomic attitudes and behaviour. The confidence of the middle class was eroded. Men of property rallied to defend the old order, but often without intellectual or even spiritual convictions. Almost overnight, Victoria, once Australia’s most radical and progressive colony, became a bulwark of conservatism. All parties were forced in some measure to recognize the peculiar problems of society by introducing a form of state socialism, particularly in the provision of railways, electric power (the State Electricity Commission produced its first electricity and fuel from the Yallourn brown coal deposits in 1924), state housing, and irrigation schemes. Effective political power was monopolized by interests committed to the preservation of 19th-century notions of property and social conformity. Yet Victorian politics, until the late 1970s, were also distinguished by strands of liberalism, intellectual and religious disputations, and, within the labour movement, by radical and socialist ideas more intense than in other Australian states.