The 4th century

Dionysius I of Syracuse

Dionysius I of Syracuse (c. 430–367) can be seen as a transitional figure between the 5th century and the 4th and indeed between Classical and Hellenistic Greece. His career began in 405, after the seven troubled years in Sicily that followed the Athenian surrender in 413. For most of this period there was war with Carthage in North Africa, and there were internal convulsions that Carthage was constantly seeking to exploit. Sicily was always prone to tyranny and political instability, partly because the island was threatened by potentially hostile neighbours ready to encroach and partly because there was a large population of non-Greek indigenous inhabitants such as the forces mobilized by Ducetius.

Stasis, or civil strife, was always specially prevalent in Classical Sicily; the Selinus sacred law already noted may be a response to a particularly violent and bloody bout of stasis. Certainly it is significant that it is in a Sicilian context (in the Greek town of Leontini, 422) that one can find, in the pages of Thucydides, an early mention of the revolutionary slogan “redistribution of land” which in the 4th century and later was often associated with political upheaval of the sort feared by the possessing classes. Polis life in Sicily never struck deep enough roots, and populations tended to be mixed and were too often transplanted. Interesting lead tablets from Syracuse’s daughter city Camarina, published in 1992, appear to indicate that the city reorganized its citizen body about 460, perhaps on “Cleisthenic” Athenian lines.

Immediately after the defeat of Athens, a radical democracy was installed in Syracuse, at the instigation of an extremist called Diocles. The leader of the moderate democrats, Hermocrates, who happened to be absent, was exiled in 410. He tried to return but was killed in 407 in an attempt (his enemies said) to establish a tyranny. Dionysius, who had been one of Hermocrates’ followers (and married his daughter) seized sole power in 406. His tyranny lasted until his death in 367; it was mostly taken up by warfare, fought with fluctuating fortunes, against Carthage. Successes such as the capture of Motya in 397 were hard to consolidate, and none of several peace settlements was lasting. His significance lies elsewhere than in this inconclusive fighting. The first nontorsion artillery (i.e., artillery using mechanical means to winch back, by means of a ratchet, a bow of unusual solidity but of a basically conventional conception) is attested from the Sicily of that period.

Torsion artillery, which used the additional power of twisted substances like sinew or women’s hair to act as strings for the projection of the missile and which did not need the bow element at all, was introduced in the middle of the 4th century. Torsion-powered stone-throwing machines could be huge and could batter down massive and sophisticated fortifications. Lack of torsion artillery prevented Agesilaus in the 390s from taking fortified cities rapidly and so making progress in his invasion of Anatolia; possession of it, by contrast, helped Alexander later in the century to overrun the same area with relative ease. The preliminary discovery of nontorsion artillery in Dionysius’s Sicily, however, was already a notable refinement on traditional siege technique.

In other military respects Dionysius looked to the future; his was essentially a military monarchy based on loyal mercenary power. War, which included large-scale munitions manufacture, was essential to his economy. In addition to taking on the Carthaginians in Sicily, he fought Greeks in Italy, even destroying the city of Rhegium in 386. Dionysius wanted to unite Sicily and southern Italy under his personal rule, and one need look for no subtler motive than the prestige and booty accruing from it. The kind of military monarchy he established was a crucial precedent for later figures such as Jason of Thessalian Pherae or Philip II and Alexander III (the Great) of Macedon.

Dionysius is called archon (an ambiguous title that can mean ruler or magistrate) of Sicily in an Athenian inscription, but he was surely thought of as king or tyrant by his local subjects. In the use of titles he has been compared to the 4th-century “Spartocid” rulers of southern Russia, Leucon I and his son Satyrus II, who (as inscriptions show) called themselves archon when dealing with their Greek subjects but king when describing their authority over the native population.

The Syracuse that produced Dionysius was a late 5th-century polis both in the literal sense and in features, such as appointment to office by lot, that it had adopted from the Athenians whose invasion had just been so vigorously resisted. Dionysius himself was helped to power by Sparta, the polis that above all others remained uncompromisingly “classical” in its repeated refusal, in later times, to come to terms with the victorious Macedonians. It is a striking fact, and a further betrayal of the liberation propaganda with which Sparta had entered the Peloponnesian War, that it ended it by installing at Syracuse a tyrant who was to last for four decades; that fact was not missed by the Athenian writer Isocrates. The particular Spartans sent to help Dionysius are figures of secondary importance, but it is reasonable to see behind them the hand of Lysander, who is attested as having visited Dionysius. (There is no overwhelming reason to doubt that he did so.)

Spartan policy immediately after the Peloponnesian War looks imperialistic in the full sense: one hears of tribute and of “decarchies,” or juntas of 10, imposed by Lysander, as, for example, on Samos. The government of the Thirty Tyrants, actually a Spartan-supported oligarchy, imposed at Athens is characteristic of this short phase. The seizure, by the Athenian democrat Thrasybulus, of the frontier stronghold of Phyle in northern Attica, however, created a focus for refugees, who flocked to join him. The democrats marched south, and the extreme oligarch Critias was killed in fighting in the Piraeus. Opinion at Sparta softened, and Lysander’s tough policy was reversed at Athens and elsewhere (one of the Spartan kings, Pausanias, was instrumental in this, though he himself narrowly escaped condemnation at a trial held in Sparta). This episode perhaps deserves to rank as a rare instance in which moral scruple, or at least a qualm about what the rest of the Greek world might consider unacceptable, determined a foreign policy decision by Sparta. By the end of 403, democracy was restored at Athens.

Arguably, Athenian democracy was not merely restored but comprehensively rethought at this moment. As part of a general codification of the laws, now entering its second phase, it was made harder for the Assembly to legislate; instead the passing of laws (or nomoi), with the important exception of those pertaining to foreign policy, was entrusted to special panels of sworn jurors. The Assembly henceforth passed only decrees. Pay for attendance in the Assembly was introduced at this time, and the hillside meeting place, the Pnyx, was physically remodeled, making it easier to control admission. The Council of Five Hundred also may have been tampered with, if it is right that “bouleutic quotas”—that is, the total of councillors supplied by demes—were now altered to take account of changes in settlement patterns brought about by the Peloponnesian War. The case for discontinuity has, however, not been proved.

Other post-403 changes, some not strictly datable, may be mentioned here. The Assembly no longer heard treason trials after about 350; perhaps this was because jury trial was cheaper now that the Assembly was paid. (Juries also were paid, but Assembly attendances were larger.) For the same financial reason, and perhaps also in the mid-4th century, a limit was imposed on the hitherto unrestricted number of meetings of the Assembly per prytany, or council month lasting one-tenth of the year: the limit imposed was at first three meetings, though this was later increased to four. Generals received more specialist functions in the course of the century, and financial officials, especially those in charge of funds for disbursing state pay, acquired great elected power. The climax of this development was the financial control exercised in the third quarter of the 4th century by first Eubulus and then Lycurgus. All this tended toward efficiency and professionalism but away from democracy. There is no doubt that the Athens of the 4th century was less democratic than the Athens of the 5th.