The third major western African jihad of the 19th century was that of al-Ḥājj ʿUmar Tal (c. 1797–1864), a Tukulor cleric from the Fouta-Toro. As a young man, ʿUmar went on the pilgrimage (hajj) to Mecca (hence the honorific al-Ḥājj), and in all spent some 20 years away from his homeland. Twelve of these were spent at Sokoto, where he married a daughter of Bello’s. He also spent some time with al-Kānemī in Bornu, and he shared with both men in the great revival of Muslim scholarship in the western Sudan. But ʿUmar had a wider experience of the Muslim world than either Bello or al-Kānemī, and he must have been acquainted with both the modernism of Muḥammad ʿAlī Pasha’s regime in Egypt and the new puritanism of the Wahhābiyyah in Arabia. Also while in Arabia he seems to have been appointed the western African caliph of the relatively new Tijāniyyah brotherhood, which was appreciably more activist in its demand for reform than the Qādiriyyah. About 1838 ʿUmar arrived home in the Fouta-Toro, where he quickly became estranged from the local clerics. In 1848 he moved away with such followers as he had to Dinguiraye, on the borders of the Fouta Djallon. There he built up a community of his own, attracting and training military and commercial adventurers as well as religious reformers. His community traded with the Upper Guinea coast for firearms and was consciously conceived as the nucleus for a new state. In 1852 the Dinguiraye community came into conflict with the adjacent Bambara chiefs. A jihad was launched northward through the gold-bearing valleys across the upper Sénégal, where in 1854 the Bambara kingdom of Kaarta fell. ʿUmar then turned west down the Sénégal toward his own homeland and the French trading posts. But he was repulsed by the French, and after 1859 he sought to join with the Fulani of Macina in the conquest of the more powerful Bambara kingdom of Segu. The Macina Fulani were opposed to the idea of a Tijānī power advancing into their own Qādirī zone in the Niger valley and even gave some aid to Segu. After ʿUmar’s forces had conquered Segu in 1861, they continued eastward, and, finding that Ahmadu’s somewhat autocratic and intolerant regime had estranged the longer established Muslim communities, they established ʿUmar’s hegemony as far as Timbuktu (1863).

In less than 10 years al-Ḥājj ʿUmar’s armies had conquered an empire almost as large as that of the Sokoto Fulani. It does not, however, appear to have been as well founded. Outside of the Niger valley and the major trading settlements, the majority of its inhabitants were basically pagans who had only accepted Islam because they had been subjected to the shock of conquest by comparatively small bodies of well-armed and well-led adventurers. This was a different situation from that in which relatively large numbers of Muslim Fulani and Hausa had poured out from the old Hausa states into territories already prepared for them by the infiltration of Islam and the presence of Hausa traders and Fulani settlers. In ʿUmar’s empire individual captains, exempt from taxation themselves, settled down to exploit their conquests as virtually independent fiefs. Along the Niger axis of empire there were both old, established Muslim towns and Fulani communities whose inhabitants regarded the Tijānī Tukulor as upstarts. In 1864 ʿUmar was killed attempting to suppress a Fulani rebellion in Macina, and for many years his son and successor, Ahmadu Seku (died 1898), had to compete for his inheritance with his father’s numerous other relations and captains.

The most important result of ʿUmar’s conquests was that they established the Tijāniyyah as the most powerful tariqa in western African Islam, and this, together with the earlier consolidation of Muslim power in the east under Sokoto, ultimately ensured that Islam became the dominant religion throughout the western Sudan, and one capable of peaceful expansion deep into Guinea. Already circumstances had changed, however, since the Fulani cavaliers had built up the Sokoto Muslim empire. Al-Ḥājj ʿUmar’s empire builders relied on horses for their mobility, but they were also musketeers who knew the value of trade with the Europeans at the coast. Even more significantly, they had already come into conflict with, and had been worsted by, European military and political power advancing inland from the coast.