The communist model

In communist countries of the 20th century, the party was considered to be the spearhead of the urban working class and of other workers united with it (peasants, intellectuals, etc.). Its role was to aid in the building of a socialist regime during the transitory phase between capitalism and pure socialism, called the dictatorship of the proletariat. An understanding of the exact role of the party requires an appreciation of the Marxist conception of the evolution of the state. In countries based on private ownership of the means of production, the power of the state, according to the Marxist point of view, is used to further the interests of the controlling capitalists. In the first stage of revolution the power of the state is broken. Power, however, still has to be wielded to prevent counterrevolution and to facilitate the transition to communism, at which stage coercion will no longer be necessary. Thus, the party, in effect, assumes the coercive functions of the state during the dictatorship of the proletariat or, to be more accurate, during the dictatorship of the party in the name of the proletariat.

In all communist countries, the structure of the party was determined largely by the need for it to govern firmly while at the same time maintaining its contact with the masses of the people. Party members were a part of the general public, of which they were the most active and most politically conscious members. They remained in contact with the masses by means of an omnipresent network of party cells. Party leaders were thus always“listening in on the masses,” and the masses were always informed of decisions of party leaders, as long as the communication network was working in both directions.

The party was not only a permanent means of contact between the people and party leaders but also a propaganda instrument. Political indoctrination was essential to the survival of communist parties, and many resources were devoted to it. Indoctrination was accomplished in training schools, by means of “education” campaigns, by censorship, and through the untiring efforts of militants, who played a role similar to that of the clergy in organized religion. The party was thus the guardian of orthodoxy and had the power to condemn and to excommunicate.

In the traditional communist model, the party hierarchy, then, and not the official state hierarchy, has the real power. The first secretary of the party is the most important figure of the regime, and, whether the party leadership is in the hands of one individual or several, the party remains the centre of political power. China is an example of this model.

Near the end of the 20th century, however, the communist model in Europe began to change as the centre of power began shifting toward a popularly elected state hierarchy. A younger generation of communist leaders, openly critical of the party’s inefficient, unresponsive, and domineering management of the government—particularly the economy—sought a return to Lenin’s original concepts of democratic centralism and socialism. In some countries, democratic concepts were emphasized, and constitutional amendments eliminated the party’s official control, clearing the way for a multiparty system. Despite political reforms like glasnost, however, truly competitive parties did not emerge until after the fall of communism in the former Soviet Union and in eastern Europe.

The fascist model

Fascist parties in a single-party state have never played as important a role as communist parties in an analogous situation. In Italy, the Fascist Party was never the single most important element in the regime, and its influence was often secondary. In Spain the Falange never played a crucial role, and in Portugal the National Union was a very weak organization even at the height of dictator António Salazar’s strength. Only in Germany did the National Socialist Party have a great influence on the state. But, in the end, Adolf Hitler’s dictatorship was dependent on his private army, the SS (Schutzstaffel), which formed a separate element within the party and which was closed to outside influences, and on the Gestapo, which was a state organization and not an organization of the party. The fascist party in the single-party state has a policing or military function rather than an ideological one.

After their rise to power, the fascist parties in both Germany and Italy gradually ceased to perform the function of maintaining contact between the people and the government, a function that is usually performed by the party in a single-party situation. It was possible to observe a tendency for the party to close in upon itself while suppressing its deviant members. The renewal of the party was then assured through recruitment from youth organizations, from which the most fanatical elements, the products of a gradual selection process starting at a very early age, entered the party. The party tended, therefore, to constitute a closed order.

The single party in less-developed countries

Some of the communist parties in power in less-developed countries did not differ significantly from their counterparts in industrialized countries. This is certainly true of the Vietnamese Communist Party and the Workers’ Party of North Korea. There have always been, however, countries in which the single party in power could not be characterized in terms of a traditional European counterpart. This observation applied to, for example, the former Arab Socialist Union in Egypt and the Democratic Constitutional Rally (formerly the Neo-Destour Party) during its period of dominance of Tunisian politics (1956–2011).

Most of these parties claimed to be more or less socialist or at least progressive, while remaining far removed from communism and, in some cases, ardent foes of communism. Pres. Gamal Abdel Nasser attempted to establish a moderate and nationalistic socialism in Egypt. In Tunisia the Democratic Constitutional Rally was more republican than socialist and was inspired more by the example of the reforms in Turkey under Kemal Atatürk than by Nasserism. In sub-Saharan Africa, single parties have often claimed to be socialist, but with few exceptions they rarely are in practice.

Single parties in less-developed countries are rarely as well organized as communist parties. In Turkey the Republican People’s Party was more a cadre party than a mass-based party. In Egypt it was necessary to organize a core of professional politicians within the framework of a pseudoparty of the masses. In sub-Saharan Africa the parties were most often genuinely mass-based, but the membership appears to be motivated primarily by personal attachment to the leader or by tribal loyalties, and organization is not usually very strong. It is this weakness in organization that explained the secondary role played by such parties in government.

Some regimes, however, have endeavoured to develop the role of the party to the fullest extent possible. The politics of Atatürk in Turkey were an interesting case study in this regard. It was also Nasser’s goal to increase the influence of the Arab Socialist Union, thereby making it the backbone of the regime. This process is significant in that it represented an attempt to move away from the traditional dictatorship, supported by the army or based on tribal traditions or on charismatic leadership, toward a modern dictatorship, supported by one political party. Single-party systems can institutionalize dictatorships by making them survive the life of one dominant figure.