Satura meant a medley. The word was applied to variety performances introduced, according to Livy, by the Etruscans. Literary satire begins with Ennius, but it was Lucilius who established the genre. After experimenting, he settled on hexameters, thus making them its recognized vehicle. A tendency to break into dialogue may be a vestige of a dramatic element in nonliterary satura. Lucilius used this medium for self-expression, fearlessly criticizing public as well as private conduct. He owed much to the Cynic-Stoic “diatribes” (racy sermons in prose or verse) of Greeks such as Bion; but in extant Hellenistic literature he is most clearly presaged by the fragments of Callimachus’ iambs. “Menippean” satire, which descended from the Greek prototype of Menippus of Gadara and mingled prose and verse, was introduced to Rome by Varro.

Horace saw that satire was still awaiting improvement: Lucilius had been an uncouth versifier. Satires I, 1–3 are essays in the Lucilian manner. But Horace’s nature was to laugh, not to flay, and his incidental butts were either insignificant or dead. He came to appreciate that the real point about Lucilius was not his denunciations but his self-revelation. This encouraged him to talk about himself. In Satires II he developed in parts the satire of moral diatribe presaging Juvenal. His successor Persius blended Lucilius, Horace, diatribe, and mime into pungent sermons in verse. The great declaimer was Juvenal, who fixed the idea of satire for posterity. Gone was the personal approach of Lucilius and Horace. His anger may at times have been cultivated for effect, but his epigrammatic power and brilliant eye for detail make him a great poet.

The younger Seneca’s Apocolocyntosis was a medley of prose and verse, but its pitiless skit on the deification of the emperor Claudius was Lucilian satire. The Satyricon of Petronius is also Menippean inasmuch as it contains varied digressions and occasional verse; essentially, however, it comes under fiction.

With Lucilian satire may be classed the fables of Augustus’ freedman Phaedrus, the Roman Aesop, whose beast fables include contemporary allusions.

Iambic, lyric, and epigram

The short poems of Catullus were called by himself nugae (“trifles”). They vary remarkably in mood and intention, and he uses iambic metre normally associated with invective not only for his abuse of Caesar and Pompey but also for his tender homecoming to Sirmio. Catullus alone used the hendecasyllable, the metre of skits and lampoons, as a medium for love poetry.

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Horace was a pioneer. In his Epodes he used iambic verse to express devotion to Maecenas and for brutal invective in the manner of the Greek poet Archilochus. But his primary aim was to create literature, whereas his models had been venting their feelings. In the Odes he adapted other Greek metres and claimed immortality for introducing early Greek lyric to Latin. The Odes rarely show the passion now associated with lyric but are marked by elegance, dignity, and studied perfectionism.

Martial went back to Catullus for his metres and his often obscene wit. He fixed the notion of epigram for posterity by making it characteristically pointed.

Elegy

The elegiac couplet of hexameter and pentameter (verse line of five feet) was taken over by Catullus, who broke with tradition by filling elegy with personal emotion. One of his most intense poems in this metre, about Lesbia, extends to 26 lines; another is a long poem of involved design in which the fabled love of Laodameia for Protesilaus is incidentally used as a paradigm. These two poems make him the inventor of the “subjective” love elegy dealing with the poet’s own passion. Gallus, whose work is lost, established the genre; Tibullus and Propertius smoothed out the metre.

Propertius’ first book is still Catullan in that it seems genuinely inspired by his passion for Cynthia: the involvement of Tibullus is less certain. Later, Propertius grew more interested in manipulating literary conventions. Tibullus’ elegy is constructed of sections of placid couplets with subtle transitions. These two poets established the convention of the “soft poet,” valiant only in the campaigns of love, immortalized through them and the Muses. Propertius was at first impervious to Augustan ideals, glorying in his abject slavery to love and his naughtiness (nequitia), though later he became acclimatized to Maecenas’ circle.

Tibullus, a lover of peace, country life, and old religious customs, had grace and quiet humour. Propertius, too, could be charming, but he was far more. He often wrote impetuously, straining language and associative sequence with passion or irony or sombre imagination.

Ovid’s aim was not to unburden his soul but to entertain. In the Amores he is outrageous and amusing in the role adopted from Propertius, his Corinna being probably a fiction. Elegy became his characteristic medium. He carried the couplet of his predecessors to its logical extreme, characterized by parallelism, regular flow and ebb, and a neat wit.

Rhetoric and oratory

Speaking in the forum and law courts was the essence of a public career at Rome and hence of educational practice. After the 2nd century bc, Greek art affected Latin oratory. The dominant style in Cicero’s time was the “Asiatic”—emotional, rhythmical, and ornate. Cicero, Asiatic at first, early learned to tone down his style. Criticized later by the revivers of plain style, he insisted that style should vary with subject. But in public speaking he held that crowds were swayed less by argument than emotion. He was the acknowledged master speaker from 70 bc until his death (43 bc). He expounded the history of Roman oratory in the Brutus and his own methods in the De oratore.

The establishment of monarchy robbed eloquence of its public importance, but rhetoric remained the crown of education. Insofar as this taught boys to marshal material clearly and to express themselves cogently, it performed the function of the modern essay; but insofar as the temptations of applause made it strained and affected, it did harm.

In the De oratore, Cicero had pleaded that an orator’s training should be in all liberal arts. Education without rhetoric was inconceivable; but what Cicero was proposing was to graft onto it a complete system of higher education. Quintilian, in his Institutio oratoria, went back to Cicero for inspiration as well as style. Much of that work is conventional, but the first and last books in particular show admirable common sense and humanity; and his work greatly influenced Renaissance education.

History

Quintus Fabius Pictor wrote his pioneering history of Rome during the Second Punic War, using public and private records and writing in Greek. His immediate successors followed suit. Latin historical writing began with Cato’s Origines. After him there were as many historiasters, or worthless historians, as the poetasters disdained by Cicero. The first great exception is Caesar’s Commentaries, a political apologia in the guise of unvarnished narrative. The style is dignified, terse, clear, and unrhetorical.

Sallust took Thucydides as his model. He interpreted, using speeches, and ascribed motives. In his extant monographs Bellum Catilinae and Bellum Jugurthinum, he displays a sardonic moralism, using history to emphasize the decadence of the dominant caste. The revolution in style he inaugurated gives him importance.

Livy began his 40 years’ task as Augustus came to power. His work consummated the annalistic tradition. If in historical method he fell short of modern standards, he had the literary virtues of a historian. He could vividly describe past events and interpret the participants’ views in eloquent speeches. He inherited from Cicero his literary conception of history, his copiousness, and his principle of accommodating style to subject. Indeed, he was perhaps the greatest of Latin stylists. His earlier books, where his imagination has freer play, are the most readable. In the later books, the more historical the times become, the more disturbing are his uncritical methods and his patriotic bias. Livy’s work now is judged mainly as literature.

Tacitus, on the other hand, stands higher now than in antiquity. Though his anti-imperial bias in attributing motives is plain, his facts can rarely be impugned; and his evocation of the terrors of tyranny is unforgettable. He is read for his penetrating characterizations, his drama, his ironical epigrams, and his unpredictability. His is an extreme development of the Sallustian style, coloured with archaic and poetic words, with a careful avoidance of the commonplace.

Suetonian biography apart, historiography thereafter degenerated into handbooks and epitomes until Ammianus Marcellinus appeared. He was refreshingly detached, rather ornate in style, but capable of vivid narrative and description. He continued Tacitus’ account from Domitian’s death to ad 378, more than half his work dealing with his own times.