In the passage from Latin to Romance, verbal inflection has survived much more than noun declension. Although the four regular Latin conjugations have been virtually reduced to two, with only the -a- class remaining truly productive, other features of the verb seem almost unchanged. In most languages, for instance, the person markers are directly traceable to Latin origins (i.e., to Latin -ō, -s, -t, -mus, -tis, -nt). Modern spoken French is the only major language in which the personal endings no longer serve the same function as in Latin. Today, person is marked in French principally by pronouns derived mainly from the Latin emphatic nominative forms of the personal pronoun: J’aime /Ʒɛm/ ‘I love,’ tu aimes /tyɛm/ ‘you love’ from (ego) amo, (tu) amas. The creoles have taken this process even further, in that their verb forms are usually invariable but are prefixed by elements indicating person, tense, aspect, and so on, as in many West African languages: Louisiana French /motegẽ/ ‘I was having’ from mon /mo/ étais /te/ gagner /gẽ/; and similarly /ilagẽ/ ‘he will have.’
In the metropolitan languages, verbal modalities are shown, as in Latin, by inflection. Some Latin verb endings, such as that of the -r passive or of the future, have disappeared; others, such as the pluperfect indicative and subjunctive, have survived in a few languages with modified function. But most modern languages have reflexes of the present, perfect, and imperfect indicatives and of one or more subjunctive tenses. The imperfect indicative, a Latin innovation, survives almost intact, though the evolution of its form, not to mention its function, presents problems. The -ī- stem form in Latin -iēba- is thought to have coalesced early with the -ē- stem -ēba- form, but a few modern languages (notably Italian, Friulian, and some Spanish and Portuguese dialects) have reflexes of an -ība- form that might have survived from popular Latin. The Latin -āba- form survives almost everywhere, though in most French dialects its older reflexes, -eve and -oue, have been replaced in modern times by forms derived from Latin -ēba-. These latter are thought to be widespread but are puzzling phonologically as they have very often irregularly lost their -b- (Spanish, Portuguese, and others -ía, French -ais).
The Latin perfect of the type amāvit ‘he has loved’ is known by all the literary languages but is rare in speech in French, Italian, and Romanian, in which it has been replaced by a new compound past made up of the verb for ‘to have’ and a past participle. The latter structure is known to some extent in all Romance languages, often being used to express a more-recent past than the preterite amāvit form, which also indicates action in the past (without reference to duration or repetition): Romanian am cîntat, Italian ho cantato, French j’ai chanté, Spanish he cantado, Old Portuguese hei cantado, Engadine ha chantà, hè chantò, Sardinian kantau appo, from Latin habeo cantatum ‘I have sung.’ In modern Portuguese the preferred auxiliary is ter ‘to have, to hold’ rather than haver, producing forms such as tenho cantado, whereas modern Catalan has two forms of the perfect, the pan-Romance type (he cantat) and a specific type that uses the verb for ‘to go’ plus the infinitive (vaig cantar), semantically different.
The disappearance of the Latin future has been remedied in most Romance languages by the development of new forms of periphrastic origin. Many of these forms use some reflex of habēre ‘to have’ joined to an infinitive. From Latin cantāre habēo ‘I will sing’ are derived Italian canterò, Spanish, Catalan cantaré, Portuguese cantarei, French je chanterai, Rhaetian c(h)antero, c(h)antera, Occitan cantarai; habēo cantāre gives southern Italian aggio cantà (similar forms are seen in earlier Spanish, Portuguese, and northern Italian). Latin habēo ad cantāre produces Sardinian ap’ a kantare, and habēo de cantāre gives Portuguese hei-de cantar (more popular than cantarei).
A periphrastic future of the type shown in English ‘I’m going to sing’ enjoys popularity in Romance, mainly to indicate a less distant future event than the more formal future tense (e.g., French je vais chanter, Spanish voy a cantar). Other periphrases used in Romance are ‘I will (wish to) sing,’ as in Romanian voi cînta; ‘I must sing,’ as in Sardinian deppo kantare; ‘I’m coming to sing,’ Sursilvan jeu vegnel a cantar; and ‘I have that I should sing,’ as in popular Romanian am să cînt. Notably, Dalmatian does not seem to know periphrastic Romance futures but uses a form kantuora (perhaps from Latin cantāverō) as both future and conditional.
The Romance conditional, or “future in the past,” a form not found in Latin, is in many languages related to the new future tense. In the Western languages it is composed of the future stem (or infinitive) plus a past-tense marker related to reflexes of habēre. In some cases an imperfect form is used, in others a perfect form; examples are French je chanterais ‘I would sing,’ Spanish, Portuguese, Occitan, and Catalan cantaría, and Italian canterei, -ebbe, and so on. In Romanian the conditional marker can either precede or follow the infinitive and may be derived from the imperfect of vrea ‘to wish’: for example, aş cînta, ar cînta, and so on, or (obsolete and dialectal) cîntare-aş, cîntare-ar, and so on.
Syntax
Word order is the means most used by modern Romance languages to show the grammatical relationship between words; statistically the most-frequent order in statements is subject–verb–object. In many of the Romance languages, interrogation can be shown by inversion of the subject and verb, placing the verb, as the element on which the interrogation falls, at the beginning of the sentence (Spanish ¿Vino el hombre?, Italian É venuto l’uomo? ‘Has the man come?’). In such examples, however, it is the intonation (represented in writing by the question mark) rather than the word order alone that marks the question. Inversion, without interrogative intonation, is not infrequent in emphatic assertions. Unambiguous question markers—such as the Latin particles -ne, nonne, and num—are lacking in most Romance standards; popular speech, though relying everywhere principally upon intonation, often has developed new particles to reinforce interrogation. Romanian has oare (Oare a venit? ‘Has he come?’); Italian uses dialectal ce, che, or o (Vulgar Tuscan Che è venuto? ‘Has he come?’; O come si chiame? ‘What is he called?’); Sardinian has a (A morde kkǔstu kǎne? ‘Does this dog bite?’); and French and Limousin have ti (generalized from such forms as a-t-il?; French Je suis-ti bête? Limousin Sieu-ti nesci? ‘Am I stupid?’). In modern standard French great use is made of est-ce que as an interrogative particle: Est-ce qu’il est venu? ‘Has he come?’ Comment est-ce qu’il s’appelle? ‘What is his name?’
Negation in Latin was expressed by a range of special items (non, nemo, nihil, nullus, nunquam, and so on). Although some of the others survive in Romance, continuators of non are usually used for negative expression and are regularly prefixed to the verb. Nuances within negation are usually expressed by the adjunction of other items. In France, both north and south, and in northern Italy and some of the Swiss Rhaetian areas, the non particle has been so weakened phonetically that it no longer can express unambiguously the important distinction between negative and positive; hence, formerly positive adjuncts have acquired its negative meaning.
French personne / une personne signifies ‘no one / a person’; pas / un pas means ‘not / a step’; and plus can mean ‘more / no more.’ In popular speech the non particle is frequently omitted altogether in areas that use these additional forms (e.g., French Je (ne) le vois pas; Occitan Lou vese pas for Noun lou vese ‘I don’t see it’).
The reduction of the subjunctive
Morphologically, the verb system survived comparatively intact from Latin to Romance; if the schoolbooks, heavily influenced by Latin grammar, are right, the ways in which the verb forms are used are not so very different from Latin either. The most obvious change has been the reduction of uses as well as of forms of the subjunctive, with, at the extreme, modern French treating them as automatically determined variants to be used obligatorily after certain phrases and conjunctions and virtually eliminating tense differences within the subjunctive mood. When the subjunctive retains a function in Romance—that is, in contexts in which it can contrast with the indicative—it has developed emotive overtones, especially suggesting doubt, unreality, or some sort of hypothetical futurity. It is used especially in subordinate clauses dependent on verbal expressions of command and exhortation, emotion, or doubt: Romanian Vreau să vină ‘I want him to come’; Engadine Mieu bap voul ch’eau lavura ‘My father wants me to work’; French Je doute qu’il vienne ‘I doubt that he’s coming’; Portuguese Duvido que seja feliz ‘I doubt that he is happy’; Italian Temo che sia tarde ‘I’m afraid it’s late’; Spanish Temo que él lo diga ‘I’m afraid he’ll say it.’ The subjunctive also regularly follows subordinating conjunctions that project action forward into the future, notions such as ‘until,’ ‘before,’ ‘in order that’: French avant que vous soyez venu ‘before you came’; Spanish hasta que sea feliz ‘until he is happy’; Italian perchè potessi fare in tempo ‘so that I might do it in time’; Portuguese antes que eu o veja ‘before I see it’; Catalan abans que vingui ‘before he comes.’
On the whole, however, the Romance languages use the subjunctive less frequently than does Latin, with recession particularly, when no doubt is implied, in indirect speech and in temporal and concessive clauses (in French, use of the subjunctive after concessive conjunctions such as bien que and quoique ‘although’ was imposed by 18th-century grammarians). The infinitive is often used in subordinate constructions where Latin would have used a subjunctive—e.g., French dites-lui de s’en aller, for dites-lui qu’il s’en aille ‘tell him to go away.’ Romanian, on the other hand, has even extended the use of the subjunctive in such constructions, perhaps reflecting a substratum influence that is felt, too, in some Balkan languages. Greek influence is sometimes credited with similar constructions (usually using the indicative rather than the subjunctive) found in northeastern Sicily, northern Calabria, and the Salentine Peninsula.
Conditional clauses
One area of syntax in which the Romance languages vary widely in the extent to which they retain and in the manner in which they replace the Latin subjunctive is that of past-tense hypothetical conditional clauses. The Latin formula si habuissem dedissem ‘if I had had it, I would have given it,’ though challenged by a type using the indicative tense since Ciceronian times, has sporadically survived into Romance, especially in the older stages of the languages and in scattered languages of southern Italy (Se potessi, facessi ‘If I could, I would do it’), Rhaetian (Sursilvan Jeu vegness, sche jeu vess peda ‘I’d come, if I had time’), and Romanian (dacă aş fi avut destui bani, aş fi cumpărat-o ‘If I had had enough money, I would have bought it’).
In most languages, however, a new conditional form replaces the subjunctive in “if” clauses. Thus, in Spanish, Portuguese, and most Italian dialects, sentences of this type are seen: Spanish si yo tuviese bastante dinero, lo compraría; Italian se avessi abbastanza denaro, lo comprerei; Portuguese se tivesse bastante dinheiro, eu o compraria (‘if I had enough money, I’d buy it’). Spoken Catalan usually prefers a similar construction (si estudiessis ho sabries ‘if you studied, you would know it’). Another construction that replaces the subjunctive by the imperfect indicative in the “if” clause is normal in Catalan and in French as well as in Corsica and Sardinia: Catalan si estudiaves ho sabries (‘if you studied, you would know’); French si j’avais assez d’argent, je l’achèterais (‘if I had enough money, I’d buy it’); Logudorian si denía abba deo dia buffare (‘if I had water, I’d drink’). Other constructions using the imperfect indicative or the conditional in both clauses are found mainly in substandard styles—both types are common in French and Romanian, the former in Tuscany, southeastern Italy, and Spain and the latter in much of southern Italy.
Morphology
Romance methods of forming new words from native sources are in part inherited from Latin (the morphological device of adding a suffix and that of prefixing an element that modifies the original meaning) and in part later developments (mainly that of combining two or more free forms to make compound words and of changing or extending the syntactic distribution of an already existing word).
Derivation by means of suffixes is the most popular and widespread device. Verbs in particular must be morphologically marked as members of a conjugation, of which those corresponding to Latin -āre form by far the most frequent and indeed in modern times virtually the only productive class (thus, Latin plantāre ‘to plant,’ Italian plantare, Engadine plaunter, French planter, Catalan plantar, from planta ‘plant’). Infixes, inserted between the verbal root and the conjugation marker, are common. Sometimes they continue Latin infixes, such as the frequentative (compare jactāre for jacere ‘to throw,’ Italian gettare, French jeter, Catalan gitar, etc.); sometimes they add semantically to the root meaning (compare pejorative Italian lavoracchiare ‘to slack off’ from lavorare ‘to work,’ French criailler ‘to bawl’ from crier ‘to cry’). The Greek verbal infix -iz (as in English suffix -ize) is particularly popular in modern Romance languages (e.g., automatiser).
Among noun suffixes, diminutives are frequent and, except perhaps in French, still productive. Romanian uses -aş (baieƫaş ‘little boy’), but the other languages prefer derivatives of Latin -ittus (especially in Spanish: arbolito ‘little tree,’ señorita ‘Miss, young lady,’ etc.; but also French sachet ‘little sack,’ Italian foglietta ‘little leaf,’ etc.) or of Latin -īnus (preferred in Italian: tavolino ‘little table, desk,’ signorina ‘young lady’; and Portuguese: copinho ‘little drinking glass,’ senhorinha ‘young lady’). The Latin -ōne suffix has, conversely, acquired augmentative meaning in several languages (Italian cavallone, Spanish caballón ‘large horse’). Romanian -oi, -oaie seems to continue an adjectival form of this suffix -oneus, -a; căloi ‘large horse,’ căsoaie ‘big house.’
Other frequent suffixes sometimes have a “learned” modern form alongside the older “popular” one—e.g., Latin -atione becomes Italian -agione / -azione, French -aison / -ation, Spanish -azón / -ación, Portuguese -azão / -ação; also Romanian -ăciune / -ațiune (-ație), and Occitan -azó.
Suffixes that remain extremely productive include the Latin verbal adjectival -bilis (not found in Romanian), which can be seen in Italian bastevole ‘enough,’ French admirable, Spanish amable ‘pleasing’; and Latin verbal nominal -mentum, which can be seen in French abonnement ‘subscription,’ Spanish cobijamiento ‘lodging,’ Italian abboccamento ‘interview, parley,’ Romanian acoperămînt ‘cover.’
Prefixing of modifying elements remains frequent in all languages (Italian autostrada ‘highway,’ Spanish contraveneno ‘antidote,’ French photocopie ‘photocopy’), although some older prefixes may hardly be recognized as such today. The “repetitive” verbal prefix re- remains particularly active (Romanian răpune ‘to kill,’ Italian ricattare ‘to recover,’ French racheter ‘to buy back’).
Compound words, though less frequent than in the Germanic languages, are not uncommon (e.g., French cheflieu ‘principal town,’ Italian primavera and Romanian primăvară ‘spring,’ Spanish lavamanos ‘wash basin’).
Originally a compounding process, the most common method of forming adverbs from adjectives (suffixing of Latin mente ‘mind’) has become in most languages a morphological process, although Spanish and Portuguese retain traces of the earlier stage in phrases such as severa e (y) cruelmente ‘severely and cruelly.’
Among the syntactic means that most Romance languages use to extend vocabulary is the potent device, unavailable to Latin, of juxtaposing to any part of speech an article or other determiner and using it as a noun (e.g., Italian il perchè ‘the reason,’ Spanish lo útil ‘utility, something useful,’ French un je ne sais quoi ‘an I-don’t-know-what’). In French and Spanish, verbal infinitives are frequently so treated (le devoir ‘duty,’ el poder ‘power,’ etc.); Romanian also uses infinitives as verbal nouns, but they are differentiated formally by retaining the full form (e.g., cîntare ‘singing’), compared with the shortened verbal form (cînta). In earlier stages of most Romance languages the verbal root (most often as it appears in the third-person singular present indicative) could be used as a noun, a process known as back-formation (compare Romanian laudă ‘praise,’ Italian domanda ‘question,’ French approche ‘approach,’ désir ‘desire,’ Spanish baila ‘dance,’ Portuguese muda ‘change’).
Just as former adjectival forms are frequently used as substantives, so are nouns used with adjectival function; there seem to be few restrictions on this use, though practice varies as to whether agreement should be made (French les frères ennemis ‘enemy brothers,’ with agreement; une femme médecin ‘a woman doctor,’ without agreement). Past-participial forms normally act as adjectives, as in English.
Romance makes use of gender classification to extend and modify its vocabulary, especially by relating the gender markers to sex differences (e.g., Romanian nepot, nepoată, Occitan nebut, nebudo, Spanish nieto, nieta, Portuguese neto, neta, Catalan net, neta ‘nephew, niece,’ with Italian invariable nipote, and French lexically differentiated neveu, nièce). Modern French makes particularly fruitful use of gender differences (originally via ellipse); thus, le (vin de) champagne (the drink) / la Champagne (the province); La Normandie (the province) / le Normandie (the ship).
