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The background of early Christian education
From the beginnings to the 4th century
Initially, Christianity found most of its adherents among the poor and illiterate, making little headway—as St. Paul observed (1 Corinthians 1:26)—among the worldly-wise, the mighty, and those of high rank. But during the 2nd century ce and afterward, it appealed more and more to the educated class and to leading citizens. These individuals naturally wanted their children to have at least as good an education as they themselves had, but the only schools available were the grammar and rhetoric schools with their Greco-Roman, non-Christian culture. There were different opinions among Christian leaders about the right attitude to this dilemma that confronted all Christians who sought a good education for their children. The Greek Fathers—especially the Christian Platonists Clement of Alexandria and Origen—sought to prove that the Christian view of the universe was compatible with Greek thought and even regarded Christianity as the culmination of philosophy, to which the way must be sought through liberal studies. Without a liberal education, the Christian could live a life of faith and obedience but could not expect to attain an intellectual understanding of the mysteries of the faith or expect to appreciate the significance of the Gospel as the meeting ground of Hellenism and Judaism. St. Augustine and St. Basil also tolerated the use of the secular schools by Christians, maintaining that literary and rhetorical culture is valuable so long as it is kept subservient to the Christian life. The Roman theologian Tertullian, on the other hand, was suspicious of pagan culture, but he admitted the necessity (though deploring it) of making use of the educational facilities available.
In any event, most Christians who wanted their children to have a good education appear to have sent them to the secular schools; this practice continued even after 313, when the emperor Constantine, who had been converted to Christianity, stopped the persecution of Christians and gave them the same rights as other citizens. Christians also set up catechetical schools for the religious instruction of adults who wished to be baptized. Of these schools, the most famous was the one at Alexandria in Egypt, which had a succession of outstanding heads, including Clement and Origen. Under their scholarly guidance, it developed a much wider curriculum than was usual in catechetical schools, including the best in Greek science and philosophy in addition to Christian studies. Other schools modeled on that at Alexandria developed in some parts of the Middle East, notably in Syria, and continued for some time after the collapse of the empire in the west.
From the 5th to the 8th century
The gradual subjugation of the Western Empire by the barbarian invaders during the 5th century eventually entailed the breakup of the educational system that the Romans had developed over the centuries. The barbarians, however, did not destroy the empire; in fact, their entry was really in the form of vast migrations that swamped the existing and rapidly weakening Roman culture. The position of the emperor remained, the barbarians exercising local control through smaller kingdoms. Roman learning continued, and there were notable examples in the writings of Boethius—chiefly his Consolation of Philosophy. Boethius composed most of these studies while acting as director of civil administration under the Ostrogoths. Equally famous was his contemporary Cassiodorus (c. 490–c. 585), who, as a minister under the Ostrogoths, worked energetically at his vision of civilitas, a program of educating the public and developing a sound administrative structure. Thus, despite the political and social upheavals, the methods and program of ancient education survived into the 6th century in the new barbarian Mediterranean kingdoms; indeed, the barbarians were frequently impressed and attracted by things Roman. In Ostrogothic Italy (Milan, Ravenna, Rome) and in Vandal Africa (Carthage), the schools of the grammarians and rhetoricians survived for a time, and, even in those places where such schools soon disappeared—such as Gaul and Spain—private teachers or parents maintained the tradition of Classical culture until the 7th century. As in previous centuries, the culture bestowed was essentially literary and oratorical: grammar and rhetoric constituted the basis of the studies. The pupils read, reread, and commented on the Classical authors and imitated them by composing certain kinds of exercises (dictiones) with the aim of achieving a perfect mastery of their style. In fact, however, the practice was desultory, and the results were mechanical and poor. Greek was ignored more and more, and attempts to revive Hellenic studies were limited to a dwindling number of scholars.
Christianity, meanwhile, was becoming more formally organized, and in the Latin-speaking Western division of the empire the Catholic church (as it was beginning to be called, from the Greek katholikos, the “whole”) developed an administrative pattern, based upon that of the empire itself, for which learning was essential for the proper discharge of its duties. Schools began to be formed in the rudimentary cathedrals, although the main centres of learning from the 5th century to the time of Charlemagne in the 8th century were in the monasteries. The prototype of Western monasticism was the great monastery founded at Monte Cassino in 529 by Benedict of Nursia (c. 480–c. 547), probably on the model of Vivarium, the scholarly monastery established by Cassiodorus. The rule developed by Benedict to guide monastic life stimulated many other foundations, and one result was the rapid spread of Benedictine monasteries and the establishment of an order. The Benedictine monasteries became the chief centres of learning and the source of the many literate scribes needed for the civil administration.
The monastic schools, however, are no more significant in the history of education than the schools founded by bishops, usually in connection with a cathedral. These episcopal schools are sometimes looked upon as successors of the grammar schools of the Roman Empire. First specializing in the development of the clergy, they later admitted young laypeople when the small Roman schools had disappeared. At the same time, there were bishops who organized a kind of boarding school where the aspiring clergyman, living in a community, participated in duties of a monastic character and learned his clerical trade.
The influence of monasticism affected the content of instruction and the method of presenting it. Children were to be dutiful; as the Celtic and English monks Columban and Bede were to remark, “A child does not remain angry, he is not spiteful, does not contradict the professors, but receives with confidence what is taught him.” In the case of the adolescent destined for a religious profession, the monastic lawgiver was severe. The teacher must know and teach the doctrine, reprimand the undisciplined, and adapt his method to the different temperaments of the young monks. The education of young girls destined for monastic life was similar: the mistress of the novices recommended prayer, manual work, and study.
Between the 5th and 8th centuries the principles of education of the laity likewise evolved. The treatises on education, later called the “mirrors,” pointed to the importance of the moral virtues of prudence, courage, justice, and temperance. The Institutionum disciplinae of an anonymous Visigoth pedagogue expressed the desire that all young men “quench their thirst at the quadruple fountain of the virtues.” In the 7th and 8th centuries the moral concepts of antiquity completely surrendered to religious principles. The Christian Bible was more and more considered as the only source of moral life—as the mirror in which humans must learn to see themselves. A bishop addressing himself to a son of the Frankish king Dagobert (died 639) drew his examples from the books of the Hebrew Bible (Old Testament). The mother of Didier of Cahors addressed to her son letters of edification on the fear of God, on the horror of vice, and on penitence.
The Christian education of children who were not aristocrats or future clergymen or monks was irregular. Whereas in antiquity catechetical instruction was organized especially for the adult laity, after the 5th century more and more children and then infants received baptism, and, once baptized, a child was not required to receive any particular religious education. His parents and godparents assisted him in learning the minimum, if anything at all. Only by attending church services and listening to sermons did the child acquire his religious culture.
The Irish and English revivals
During the 5th and 6th centuries there was a renaissance of learning in the remote land of Ireland, introduced there initially by the patron saints of Ireland—Patrick, Bridget, and Columba—who established schools at Armagh, Kildare, and Iona. They were followed by a number of other native scholars, who also founded colleges—the most famous and greatest university being the one at Clonmacnois, on the River Shannon near Athlone. To these and lesser schools flocked Anglo-Saxons, Gauls, Scots, and Teutons from Britain and the Continent. From about 600 to 850 Ireland itself sent scholars to the Continent to teach, found monasteries, and establish schools.
Although the very earliest Irish scholars may have aimed primarily at propagating the Christian faith, their successors soon began studying and teaching the Greek and Roman classics (but only in Latin versions), along with Christian theology. Eventually there were additions of mathematics, nature study, rhetoric, poetry, grammar, and astronomy—all studied, it seems, very largely through the medium of the Irish language.
England was next to experience the reawakening, and, though there were notable schools at such places as Canterbury and Winchester, it was in Northumbria that the schools flourished most. At the monasteries of Jarrow and Wearmouth and at the Cathedral School of York, some of the greatest of early medieval writers and schoolmasters appeared, including the Venerable Bede and Alcuin. The latter went to France in 780 to become master of Charlemagne’s palace school.
The Carolingian renaissance and its aftermath
The cultural revival under Charlemagne and his successors
Charlemagne (742/743–814) has been represented as the sponsor or even creator of medieval education, and the Carolingian renaissance has been represented as the renewal of Western culture. This renaissance, however, built on earlier episcopal and monastic developments, and, although Charlemagne did help to ensure the survival of scholarly traditions in a relatively bleak and rude age, there was nothing like the general advance in education that occurred later with the cultural awakening of the 11th and 12th centuries.
Learning, nonetheless, had no more ardent friend than Charlemagne, who came to the Frankish throne in 768 distressed to find extremely poor standards of Latin prevailing. He thus ordered that the clergy be educated severely, whether by persuasion or under compulsion. He recalled that, in order to interpret the Holy Scriptures, one must have a command of correct language and a fluent knowledge of Latin; he later commanded, “In each bishopric and in each monastery let the psalms, the notes, the chant, calculation and grammar be taught and carefully corrected books be available” (capitulary of 789 ce). His promotion of ecclesiastical and educational reform bore fruit in a generation of churchmen whose morals and whose education were of a higher standard than before.
The possibility then arose of providing, for the brighter young clerics and perhaps also for a few laymen, a more advanced religious and academic training. It was perhaps to meet this modest need that a school grew up within the precincts of the emperor’s palace at Aachen. In order to develop and staff other centres of culture and learning, Charlemagne imported considerable foreign talent. During the 8th century England had been the scene of some intellectual activity. Thus, Alcuin, who had been the master of the school at York, and other English scholars were brought over to transplant to the Continent the studies and disciplines of the Anglo-Saxon schools. From Moorish Spain came Christian refugees who also contributed to this intellectual revival; disputations with the Muslims had forced them to develop a dialectic skill in which they now instructed Charlemagne’s subjects. From Italy came grammarians and chroniclers, men such as Paul the Deacon; the more formalistic Classical traditions in which they had been bred supplied the framework to discipline the effervescent brilliance of the Anglo-Saxons. Irish scholars also arrived. Thanks to these foreigners, who represented the areas where Classical and Christian culture had been maintained in the 6th and 8th centuries, the court became a kind of “academy,” to use Alcuin’s term. There the emperor, his heirs, and his friends discussed various subjects—the existence or nonexistence of the underworld and of nothingness; the eclipse of the sun; the relationship of Father, Son, and Holy Spirit; and so on. Recognizing the importance of manuscripts in the cultural revival, Charlemagne formed a library (the catalog of which is still extant), had texts and books copied and recopied, and bade every school to maintain a scriptorium. Alcuin developed a school of calligraphy at Tours, and its new script spread rapidly throughout the empire; this Carolingian minuscule was more legible and less wasteful of space than the uncial scripts hitherto employed.
Outside the court at Aachen were to be found here and there a few seats of culture—but not many. The archbishop of Lyon reorganized the schools of readers and choir leaders; Alcuin in Saint-Martin-de-Tours and Angilbert in Saint-Riquier organized monastic schools with relatively well-stocked libraries. It was necessary to wait for the second generation, or even the third, to witness the greatest brilliance of the Carolingian renewal. Under Charlemagne’s son Louis the Pious and especially under his grandsons, the monastic schools reached their apogee in France north of the Loire, in Germany, and in Italy. The most famous were at Saint-Gall, Reichenau, Fulda, Bobbio, Saint-Denis, Saint-Martin-de-Tours, and Ferrières. Unfortunately, the breakup of the Carolingian empire, following local rebellions and the Viking invasions, ended the progress of the Carolingian renaissance.
Influences of the Carolingian renaissance abroad
In England—at least in the kingdom of Wessex—King Alfred the Great stands out as another royal patron of learning, one who wanted to imitate the creativity of Charlemagne. When he came to the throne in 871, cultural standards had fallen to a low level, partly because of the turmoil of the Danish invasions. He was grieved to find so few who could understand Latin church services or translate a letter from Latin into English. To accomplish an improvement, he called upon monks from the Continent, particularly those of Saint-Bertin. Moreover, he attracted to his court certain English clergy and young sons of nobles. Since the latter did not know Latin, he had translated into Wessex English some works of Pope Gregory the Great, Boethius, the theologian and historian Paulus Orosius, Venerable Bede, St. Augustine, and others. He himself translated Boethius’s Consolation of Philosophy, Gregory the Great’s Pastoral Care, and Bede’s Ecclesiastical History of the English People. This promotion of learning was continued by Alfred’s successors and spread elsewhere in England; and in the reformed monasteries at Canterbury, York, and Winchester, the young monks renewed the study of religious and secular sciences. Among the master scholars of the late 10th century was the Benedictine monk Aelfric, perhaps the greatest prose writer of Anglo-Saxon times. In order to facilitate the learning of Latin for young monks, Aelfric composed a grammar, glossary, and colloquy, containing a Latin grammar described in Anglo-Saxon, or Old English, a glossary in which master and pupil could find a methodically classified Latin vocabulary (names of birds, fish, plants, and so forth), and a manual of conversation, inspired by the bilingual manuals of antiquity.
Among the other Saxons—those of the Continent who presided over the destinies of Germany—there were also significant gatherings of masters and students at selected monasteries, such as Corvey and Gandersheim. In any case, wherever teaching became important in the 10th century, it concentrated largely on grammar and the works of the Classical authors. Thus, when Gerbert of Aurillac, after a course of instruction in Catalonia, came to teach dialectic and the arts of the quadrivium (geometry, arithmetic, harmonics, and astronomy) at Reims, he aroused astonishment and admiration. His renown helped in his later election as Pope Sylvester II. The first half of the 11th century contained the first glimmerings of a rediscovered dialectic. A new stage in the history of teaching was beginning.
Education of the laity in the 9th and 10th centuries
The clergy who dominated society thought it necessary to give laymen some directives about life comparable to those offered in monastic rules and thus issued what were called miroirs (“mirrors”), setting forth the duties of a good sovereign and exalting the Christian struggle. Already the image of the courtly and Christian knight was beginning to take shape. It was not a question of governing a state well but, rather, of governing oneself. The layman must struggle against vice and practice virtue; he must emphasize his religious heritage. Alcuin became indignant when he heard it said that the reading of the Gospel was the duty of the clergy and not that of the layman. Huoda, wife of Bernard, duke of Septimania, addressed a manual to her 16-year-old son, stressing the reading and praying that a young man should do. In the libraries of the laity, the volumes of the Old Testament and New Testament took first place, along with prayer books, a kind of breviary designed for day-to-day use.
If a minority of aristocrats could receive a suitable moral and religious education, the masses remained illiterate and preferred a military apprenticeship to study. “He who has remained in school up to twelve years without mounting a horse is no longer good for anything but the priesthood,” wrote a German poet. Writers of hagiographic texts were fond of contrasting the mother of the future saint, anxious to give education to her son, and the father, who wanted to harden his son at an early age to the chase or to war. The Carolingian tradition, however, was not totally forgotten by princes and others in high places. In Germany, Otto I and his successors, who wished to re-create the Carolingian empire, encouraged studies at the court: Wipo, the preceptor of Henry III, set out a program of education for the laity in his Proverbia. Rediscovering the ancient moralists, chiefly Cicero and Seneca, he praised moderation as opposed to warlike brutality or even the ascetic strength of the monks. The same tendency is found in other writings.
The medieval renaissance
The era that has been called the “renaissance of the 12th century” corresponds to a rediscovery of studies originating in the 11th century in a West in the process of transformation. The church cast off the tutelage of lay power, and there was general acceptance of the authority of the church in matters of belief, conduct, and education; the papacy took over the direction of Christianity and organized the Crusades to the East; the monarchies regrouped the political and economic forces of feudal society; the cities were reanimated and were organized into communes; the merchants traced out the great European trade routes and, before long, the Mediterranean ones. Soon, contact with the East—by trade and in the Crusades—and with the highly cultivated Moors in Spain further stimulated intellectual life. Arabic renderings of some of the works of Aristotle, together with commentaries, were translated into Latin, exercising a profound influence on the trend of culture. It was inevitable that the world of education would take on a new appearance.
Changes in the schools and philosophies
Monastic schools
In the first place, the monastic reformers made the decision to close their schools to those who did not intend to enter upon a cloistered life. According to their idea of solitude and sanctity, recalling the words of St. Jerome, “The monk was not made to teach but to mortify himself.” Divine works were to be the only object of study and meditation, and Pierre de Celle asserted that “divine science ought to mould rather than question, to nourish conscience rather than knowledge.”
The scholarly monks completed their studies before being admitted to the monastery—the age of entrance in Benedictine houses, for instance, being fixed at 15 years at Cîteaux and 20 years at Cluny. If there were admitted a few oblates (laymen living in monasteries under modified rules), they were given an ascetic and moral education and were taught to read the Holy Writ and, what was still more desirable, to “relish” it. In the Carthusian monastery, the four steps of required spiritual exercise were reading, meditation, prayer, and contemplation. Thus there existed a monastic culture, but there were no truly monastic studies such as those that had existed in the 9th and 10th centuries. The rich libraries of the monasteries served only a few scholarly abbots, while the monks searched for God through prayer and asceticism.
Urban schools
In the cities, on the contrary, the schools offered to all the clergy who so desired the means of satisfying their intellectual appetite. More and more of them attended these schools, for the studies were a good means of social advancement or material profit. The development of royal and municipal administrations offered the clergy new occupations. Hence the success of the schools for notaries and the schools of law. These schools were organized under the protection of the collegiate churches and the cathedrals. The schools for secular subjects were directed by an archdeacon, chancellor, cantor, or cleric who had received the title of scholasticus, caput scholae, or magister scholarum and who was assisted by one or more auxiliary masters. The success of the urban schools was such that it was necessary, in the middle of the 12th century, to define the teaching function. Only those who were provided with the licencia docendi conferred by the bishop—or, more often, by the scholasticus—could teach. Those who were licensed taught within the limits of the city or the diocese, whose clerical leaders supervised this monopoly and intervened if a cleric set himself up as master without having the right. The popes were sufficiently concerned about licensing that the Lateran Council of 1179 gave this institution universal application.
New curricula and philosophies
The pupils who attended these urban schools learned in them their future occupation as clerics; they learned Latin, learned to sing the various offices, and studied Holy Writ. The more gifted ones extended their studies further and applied for admission to the liberal arts (the trivium, made up of grammar, rhetoric, and logic; and the quadrivium, including geometry, arithmetic, harmonics, and astronomy) and subsequently to philosophy. Philosophy had four branches: theoretical, practical, logical, and mechanical. The theoretical was divided into theology, physics, and mathematics; the practical consisted of morals or ethics (personal, economic, political). The logical, which concerned discourse, consisted of the three arts of the trivium. Finally, the mechanical included the work of processing wool, of navigation, of agriculture, of medicine, and so on. This was an ambitious humanistic program. In fact, the students became specialized in the study of one art or another according to their tastes or the presence of a renowned master, such as Guillaume de Champeaux at Paris and St. Victor for rhetoric and theology; Peter Abelard at Paris for dialectic and theology; Bernard de Chartres for grammar; William of Conches at Chartres for grammar, ethics, and medicine; and Thierry de Chartres for rhetoric. In particular, teachers of the “literary” arts, grammar and rhetoric, always had great success in a period of enthusiasm for the ancient authors. It may be noted that Bernard de Chartres organized his literary teaching in this fashion: grammatical explanations (declinatio), studies of authors, and each morning the correction of the exercises given the day before.
The third art of the trivium, logic (or dialectics), was nevertheless a strong competitor of the other two, grammar and rhetoric. Since the 11th century, Aristotle’s Posterior Analytics, which had been translated centuries earlier by Boethius, had developed the taste for reasoning, and, by the time Abelard arrived in Paris around 1100, interest in dialectics was flourishing. The written words of the Scriptures and of the Fathers of the Church were to be subjected to the scrutiny of human reason; a healthy skepticism was to be the stepping-stone to knowledge, aided by an understanding of critical logic.
While dialectic reigned in Paris, the masters at Chartres offered a study of the whole of the quadrivium. This interest in the sciences, which had been manifest at Chartres since the early 11th century, had been favoured by the stimulus of Greco-Arabic translations. The works of Euclid, Ptolemy, Hippocrates, Galen, and other Hellenic and Hellenistic scholars, as preserved in the Arabic manuscripts, were translated in southern Italy, Sicily, and Spain and were gradually transmitted northward. The scientific revival allowed the Chartrians to Christianize Greek cosmology, to explain Genesis according to physics, and to rediscover nature.
Another revival was that of law. The conflicts in the second half of the 12th century between the church and the lay powers encouraged on both sides a new activity in the juridical field. The princes found in the Corpus Juris Civilis, the 6th-century Roman code of the emperor Justinian, the means of legitimizing their politics, and the papacy likewise used Roman sources to promote its claims.
