Social-reconstructionist education
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Social-reconstructionist education was based on the theory that society can be reconstructed through the complete control of education. The objective was to change society to conform to the basic ideals of the political party or government in power or to create a utopian society through education.
In the first half of the 20th century, communist education was possibly the most pervasive version of operational social-reconstructionism in the world. Originally based on the philosophy of Karl Marx and institutionalized in the Soviet Union, it reached a large proportion of the world’s youth. In the 1950s much attention was paid to the ideal of “polytechnization.” The human being, so the argument ran, is not simply Homo sapiens but rather Homo faber, the constructor and builder. He attains full mental, moral, and spiritual development through entering into social relations with others, particularly in cooperative efforts to produce material, artistic, and spiritual goods and achievements. The school should prepare pupils for such productive activities—for instance, by studying and, if possible, sharing in the work done in field, farm, or factory.
A different social-reconstructionist movement was that of the kibbutzim (collective farms) of Israel. The most striking feature of kibbutz education was that the parents forgo rearing and educating their offspring themselves and instead hand the children over to professional educators, sometimes immediately after birth. The kibbutzim type of education developed for both practical and economic reasons, but gradually four educational considerations gained prominence: (1) that the kibbutz way of life makes for complete equality of the sexes, (2) that the education of children in special children’s houses is the best way of perpetuating the kibbutz way of life, (3) that collective education is more “scientific” than education within the family, inasmuch as children are reared and trained by experts—i.e., qualified nurses, kindergarten teachers, and other educators—in an atmosphere free of the tensions engendered by family relationships, and (4) that collective education is more democratic than traditional education and more in keeping with the spirit of cooperative living.
Major trends and problems
The idea of social-reconstructionist education was based on a 19th-century belief in the power of education to change society. In the last quarter of the 20th century there was considerable pessimism, but the idea that schooling could influence either society or the individual was widely held, affecting the growth of tertiary-level alternatives, management strategies, and education of disadvantaged people, in both industrialized and developing countries.
The international concern with assistance to people in the non-Western world was paralleled by the inclusiveness that characterized education in the 20th century. Education was seen as a primary instrument in recognizing and providing equality for those suffering disadvantage because of sex, race, ethnic origin, age, or physical disability. This required revisions of textbooks, new consciousness about language, and change in criteria for admission to higher levels. It led to more demanding definitions of equality involving, for example, equality of outcome rather than of opportunity.
The inclusion of all children and youth was part of a general integrative trend that accelerated following World War II. It related to some newer developments as well. Concern for the Earth’s endangered environment became central, emphasizing in both intellectual and social life the need for cooperation rather than competition, the importance of understanding interrelationships of the ecosystem, and the idea that ecology could be used as an organizing concept. In a different vein, the rapid development of microelectronics, particularly the use of computers for multiple functions in education, progressed far beyond the possibilities of earlier technological advances. Although technology was thought of by some as antagonistic to humanistic concerns, others argued that it made communication and comprehension available to a wider population and encouraged “system thinking,” both ultimately integrative effects.
The polarization of opinion on technology’s effects and most other important issues was a problem in educational policy determination. In addition to the difficulties of governing increasingly large and diverse education systems, as well as those of meeting the never-ending demands of expanding education, the chronic lack of consensus rendered the system unable to respond satisfactorily to public criticism and unable to plan for substantive long-range development. The political and administrative responses were to attend to short-run efficiency by improving management techniques and to adopt polar responses to accommodate polar criticisms. Thus, community and community schools were emphasized along with central control and standardization, and institutional alternatives were opened while the structure of main institutions became more articulated. For example, the focus of attention was placed on the transition stages—from home to school, from primary to secondary to upper secondary, from school to work—which earlier were virtually ignored. Tertiary institutions were reconceived as part of a unified level, testing became more sophisticated, and credentials became more differentiated either by certificate or by transcript. Alternative teaching strategies were encouraged in theory, but basic curriculum uniformity effectively restricted the practice of new methods. General education was still mainly abstract, and subject matter—though internally more dynamic—still rested on language, mathematics, and science. There was an increasing reliance on the construction of subject matter to guide the method of teaching. Teachers were entrusted with a greater variety of tasks but were less trusted with knowledge, leading political authorities to call for upgrading of teacher training, teacher in-service training, and regular assessment of teacher performance.
Reform efforts focused on integrating general and vocational education and on encouraging lifelong or recurrent education to meet changing individual and social needs. Thus, not only did the number of students and institutions increase as a result of inclusion policies, but the scope of education also expanded. This tremendous growth, however, raised new questions about the proper functions of the school and the effectiveness for life, work, or intellectual advancement of current programs and means of instruction.
Western patterns of education
The United Kingdom
Early 19th to early 20th century
English education was less consciously nationalist than that of continental European countries but was deeply influenced by social class structure. Traditionally, the English held that the activity of the government should be restricted to essential matters such as the defense of property and should not interfere in education, which was the concern of family and church. The growth of a national education system throughout the 19th century continued without a clear plan or a national decision. The cornerstone of the modern system was laid by the Elementary Education Act of 1870, which accepted the principle that the establishment of a system of elementary schools should be the responsibility of the state. It did not, however, eliminate the traditional prominence of voluntary agencies in the sphere of English education or provide for secondary education, which was conducted largely by voluntary fee-charging grammar schools and “public” schools. These public schools were usually boarding schools charging rather high fees. Their tradition was aristocratic, exclusive, formal, and classical. Their main goal was to develop “leaders” for service in public life. In 1900 one child in 70 could expect to enter a secondary school of some kind. The grammar schools copied the curriculum of the public schools, so that only the intellectual and social elite were able to attend.
In 1899 an advance was made toward the development of a national system encompassing both elementary and secondary education by creating a Board of Education as the central authority for education. The Balfour Act of 1902 established a comprehensive system of local government for both secondary and elementary education. It created new local education authorities and empowered them to provide secondary schools and develop technical education. The Education Act of 1918 (The Fisher Act) aimed at the establishment of a “national system of public education available for all persons capable of profiting thereby.” Local authorities were called upon to prepare plans for the orderly and progressive development of education. The age of departure from formal education was raised to 14, and power was given to local authorities to extend it to 15.
Education Act of 1944
The Education Act of 1944 involved a thorough recasting of the educational system. The Board of Education was replaced by a minister who was to direct and control the local education authorities, thereby assuring a more even standard of educational opportunity throughout England and Wales. Every local education authority was required to submit for the minister’s approval a development plan for primary and secondary education and a plan for further education in its area. Two central advisory councils were constituted, one for England, another for Wales. These had the power, in addition to dealing with problems set by the minister, to tender advice on their own initiative. The total number of education authorities in England and Wales was reduced from 315 to 146.
The educational systems of Scotland and Northern Ireland were separate and distinct from that of England and Wales, although there were close links between them. The essential features of the Education Act of 1944 of England and Wales were reproduced in the Education Act of 1945 in Scotland and in the Education Act of 1947 in Northern Ireland. There were such adaptations in each country as were required by local traditions and environment.
The complexity of the education system in the United Kingdom arose in part from the pioneer work done in the past by voluntary bodies and a desire to retain the voluntary element in the state system. The act of 1944 continued the religious compromise expressed in the acts of 1870 and 1902 but elaborated and modified it after much consultation with the parties concerned. The act required that, in every state-aided primary and secondary school, the day should begin with collective worship on the part of all pupils and that religious instruction should be given in every such school. As in earlier legislation, however, there was a conscience clause, and another to ensure that no teacher should suffer because of religious convictions. Religious instruction continued to be given in both fully maintained and state-aided voluntary schools, and opportunities existed for religious training beyond the daily worship and minimum required instruction. In many schools the religious offering became nondenominational, and in areas of high non-Christian immigrant population consideration might be given to alternative religious provisions.
Two fundamental reforms in the act of 1944 were the requirement of secondary education for all, a requirement that meant that no school fees could be charged in any school maintained by public authority; and the replacement of the former distinction between elementary and higher education by a new classification of “three progressive stages to be known as primary education, secondary education, and further education.” To provide an adequate secondary education in accordance with “age, ability, and aptitude,” as interpreted by the Ministry of Education, three separate schools were necessary: the grammar school, modeled on elite public schools; the less intellectually rigorous secondary modern school; and the technical school. If, in exceptional circumstances, such provisions were made in a single school, then the school would have to be large enough to comprise the three separate curricula under one roof. Children were directed to the appropriate school at the age of 11 by means of selection tests.
The tripartite system of grammar, secondary modern, and technical schools did not, in fact, flourish. The ministry had never been specific about the proportion of “technically minded” children in the population but, in terms of school places provided in practice, it was about 5 percent. Since, on the average, grammar school places were available to 20 percent, this left 75 percent of the child population to be directed to the secondary modern schools for which the ministry advocated courses not designed to lead to any form of qualification.
The comprehensive movement
Selection procedures at the age of 11, through what is called the “eleven-plus” examination, proved to be the Achilles’ heel of the grammar school–secondary modern system. Various developments contributed to the downfall of selection at 11: first, the examination successes of the students in modern secondary schools; second, the failure of a significant proportion of the children so carefully selected for grammar schools; and third, the report of a committee appointed by the British Psychological Society, which supported arguments that education itself promotes intellectual development and that “intelligence” tests do not, in fact, measure genetic endowment but rather educational achievement.
The main issue in the 1950s and ’60s was whether or not the grammar schools should be retained with selection at 11-plus. One of the main arguments used was that the right of “parental choice” must be upheld. Another was that it was in the “English tradition” to retain a selective system. But gradually the number of comprehensive (nonselective) schools increased.
During the election of 1964, the Labour Party promised to promote the establishment of the comprehensive school and to abolish selection at 11-plus. Upon taking office, however, the Labour government, instead of legislating, issued a circular in the belief that this would enlist local support and encourage local initiative. The result was conflict between national policy and local policy in some areas. The Conservative government elected in 1970 declared its intention of leaving decisions about reorganization to the local authorities. The comprehensive principle became dominant, and the number of comprehensive schools grew under both Labour and Conservative governments, so that most state-maintained secondary schools were comprehensive. The administrative compromise of leaving organizational options open to local authorities permitted variations to continue, however, and 5 to 6 percent of the school population attended completely independent private schools. Enrollment at the exclusively academic, often prestigious, and costly independent secondary schools might be preceded by attendance at private preparatory schools.
Primary school attendance began at age 5 and was usually divided into an infant stage (ages 5 to 7) and a junior stage (ages 8 to 11). In those few localities using a middle school organization, children attended the middle school from age 8 or 9 to age 13 or 14. Preschool provision was uneven, but a great deal of innovation took place in the ideas and practices of early childhood learning. In the infant school, children worked together with their teacher. Children might be placed together vertically in the same class, like a family group. Play was considered an activity of central significance in the infant school. It was a vehicle for the child’s motivation and learning, carefully structured to promote cognitive development. The teacher’s job was to set the environment through organization of space, time, and materials; to encourage, guide, and stimulate; and to see that all children learn and develop independence and responsibility. Studies were interrelated, and the curriculum was flexible.
The compromise regarding school organization was representative of the British educational administration’s attempt to balance local and national interests delicately. Local education authorities were responsible for basic school operations, and much of the professional responsibility was passed on to the school. This representation of community and professional interest was underscored in policy documents, such as the 1980 Education Act’s stipulation that governing boards include at least two parent and two teacher representatives. Local education authorities maintained a professional administrative staff and administered school finances, which were funded primarily by government grants and local property taxes.
Ultimate authority for education was at the national level, with the Department of Education and Science (formerly the Ministry of Education) headed by the secretary of state for education and science. The department was the agent of governmental policy. It reached schools through circulars and directives as well as through Her Majesty’s Inspectors of Schools. The inspectors increasingly advised and reported on the general condition of schooling.
Under the Conservative government of Margaret Thatcher, emphasis was placed on management efficiency. While decentralization applied to operational decisions, the government increasingly pushed for standardization of curriculum and streamlining of assessment procedures. Traditionally, curriculum had been decentralized to the extreme in the United Kingdom, being a matter of teacher’s professional judgment, unified only informally (though effectively) through the influence of teacher training, publicized curriculum projects, textbook choices, and public examination syllabi. This resulted in a great deal of curriculum agreement in the common schooling period, narrowing to a secondary core to age 16, including a wide range of options in the comprehensive school, and different basic curricula in selective systems. Independent schools showed some variations, particularly in the requirement of Latin, and the upper secondary stage was characterized by specialization. Through the 1970s and ’80s, however, there was central pressure on curriculum improvement in science, practical elements, technical and vocational education, and the relationship of education to economic life. Influential publications proposed standardization of the curriculum nationally.
Probably the issue that received the most attention was the relationship of education to the economy, to industry, and to work. Much of the impact of this attention was on the post-compulsory sector. Schemes developed outside the educational establishment provided training for young school-leavers. The Technical and Vocational Education Initiative called for local education authority cooperation with the Manpower Services Commission in the introduction of technical courses that spanned school and post-school training. Reforms to the examination and certification system exemplified the government’s thrust toward improvement of the education–economy link, toward rationalization of the system, and toward coordinated, standardized assessment procedures.
