Changes in higher education
The pedagogical experimentalism that marked America’s elementary learning during the century’s first quarter was less robust in the high school and feebler still in the college. The first venture of any consequence into collegiate progressivism was undertaken in 1921 at Antioch College in Ohio. Antioch required its students to divide their time between the study of the traditional subjects and the extramural world, for which, every five weeks or so, they forsook the classroom to work at a full-time job. In 1932 Bennington College for women, in Vermont, strode boldly toward progressive ends. Putting a high value on student freedom, self-expression, and creative work, it staffed its faculty largely with successful artists, writers, musicians, and other creative persons, rather than Ph.D.’s. It also granted students a large say in making the rules under which they lived.
Such developments in America’s higher learning incited gusty blasts from Robert M. Hutchins, president and then chancellor of the University of Chicago from 1929 to 1951. He recommended a mandatory study of grammar, rhetoric, logic, mathematics, and Aristotelian metaphysics. One consummation of the Hutchins prescription was the study of some 100 “great books,” wherein resided the unalterable first principles that Hutchins insisted were the same for all people, always and everywhere.
The vocationalism that Hutchins deplored was taken to task by several others but with quite different results—notably by Harvard University in its report on General Education in a Free Society (1945). Declaring against the high school’s heavy vocational leaning, it urged the adoption of a general curriculum in English, science, mathematics, and social science.
In the great expansion of higher education between about 1955 and 1975, when expansionist ideas about curriculum and governance prevailed, colleges became at times almost ungovernable. New colleges and new programs made the higher-education landscape so blurred that prospective students and admissions officers in other countries needed large, coded volumes to characterize individual institutions. The college curriculum, like that of the high school, was altered in response to vocal demands made by groups and had expanded in areas representing realities of contemporary social life. Internal reviews, undergraduate curriculum reforms, and the high standards set by some universities demonstrated to some observers that quality education was being maintained in the university. Other critics, however, felt that grade inflation, the multiplication of graduate programs, and increasing economic strains had led to a decline in quality. Financial problems and conservative reactions to the more extreme reforms led some universities to place a strong emphasis on management.
Probably the most significant change in higher education was the establishment and expansion of the junior college, which was conceived early in the century by William Rainey Harper, the first president of the University of Chicago. He proposed to separate the four-year college into an upper and a lower half, the one designated as the “university college” and the other as the “academic college.” The junior college was sometimes private but commonly public. It began as a two-year school, offering early college work or extensions to secondary education. It later expanded to include upper vocational schools (including a wide range of technical and clerical occupations), community colleges (offering vocational, school completion, and leisure or interest courses), and pre- or early-college institutions. Junior colleges recruited from a wide population range and tended to be vigorous innovators. Many maintained close relationships with their communities. Colleges limited to the undergraduate level, especially in articulated state systems, might not differ much from well-developed junior colleges.
Professional organizations
American educators began to organize as early as 1743, when the American Philosophical Society was founded, and continued to do so in increasing numbers. Not a few of their organizations, such as the American Historical Association, the Modern Language Association of America, and the American Home Economics Association, were for the advancement of some specialty. Others were more concerned with the interests of the general educational practitioner. Of these, the National Education Association (NEA) was the oldest. Founded in 1857, it undertook “to elevate the character and advance the interest of the teaching profession.” Despite its high mission, it had little influence until the 1870s, when it began to grow and prosper. With headquarters in Washington, D.C., the NEA conducted its enormous enterprise through a brigade of commissions and councils. A youngster by comparison, the American Federation of Teachers, an affiliate of the AFL-CIO, was formed in 1916. Through collective bargaining and teachers’ strikes, it successfully obtained for teachers better wages, pensions, sick leaves, academic freedom, and other benefits. The distinction between a union and a professional organization became neither as clear nor as important an issue as it was in earlier days.
Such bodies as the American Association of Colleges for Teacher Education, the American Association of University Professors, the American Educational Research Association, the National Commission on Teacher Education and Professional Standards, and the National Council for Accreditation of Teacher Education laboured industriously and even with a fair success to bring order and dignity to the teaching profession. Nevertheless, teaching became an increasingly arduous profession in the United States. Even the security formerly associated with the profession was in question as waves of teacher shortages and surpluses generated frantic responses by educational authorities. Educational reviews addressed teaching inadequacies by encouraging prospective teachers to earn degrees in other subjects before beginning studies in the field of education. They recommended establishing proficiency tests, regular staff-development activities, certification stages, and workable teacher-evaluation and dismissal procedures. They insisted on the necessity for the reform and evaluation of training programs, and some questioned the institutional context of teacher training.
Adolphe Erich Meyer Robert Frederic LawsonCanada
Although a Canadian nation had been formed by the end of the 19th century, separate political, economic, and geographic influences continued through the 20th century to restrain unified educational development. The historical principle of maintaining minority rights resulted in a truly pluralistic cultural concept, recognized to some extent in religious and linguistic concessions in schools. Each provincial system developed unilaterally, thus producing separately centralized educational units; and, even within a province, the evolving principle of local responsibility and the sparseness of settlement in many areas of Canada challenged the effectiveness of simple control principles. Different production emphases and differential advantages of territorial acquisition after confederation in 1867 created basic inequalities among the provinces, with a corresponding effect on schools. Finally, European principles of education were slow to be reconciled with those evolving out of the North American environment. Canadian educational development was consequently marked by eclectic, pragmatic actions rather than by philosophically or politically unified decisions.
It was nevertheless possible, because of a common national experience and because of the communication stimulated by national development, to describe education in national terms. Educational movements afoot in the early 20th century and associated with “progressive education” (such as child study, kindergarten development, and curriculum integration) had a relatively mild impact on traditional practices and forms. Instruction in the Canadian school remained essentially teacher-centred, with a strong emphasis on obedience and conformity.
Canadian educational reforms
The major change in school structure occurred at the secondary level. The standard eight-year elementary program was first extended by continuation classes or schools alongside exclusive secondary schools, producing an uneven, overlapping postelementary structure. In the 1930s an expanded school population, reaching into the secondary grades, led to decisive action on compulsory attendance and to standardization of high school provisions. Junior high schools were introduced in some provinces as a transitional level between elementary and secondary schooling, while some provinces simply developed junior and senior stages of a total secondary program. The two extremes in secondary development were probably represented by Quebec and the west. In the French-speaking schools of Quebec, the secondary system consisted of private classical colleges leading to a baccalauréat on the one side and terminal courses in special schools or institutes on the other. Only after 1956 were public high schools with a variety of courses established. The administration of the system was unified under a ministry of education in 1964, although with continuing provision for local school boards of a distinctly Roman Catholic or Protestant nature. In the western provinces, large regional schools and composite high schools were developed extensively, Alberta having proceeded apace in this direction. British Columbia, following the Chant Commission Report in 1960, reorganized its secondary program to include five core streams, only one of which was academic-technical.
In general, the secondary curriculum was modified by expanding the catalog of optional subjects and by reorganizing to include new courses of study. Secondary schools in Canada were now mainly comprehensive and enrolled about 85 percent of the age group. After extensive provincial reviews in the 1980s, emphasis was returned to academic standards and newly placed on the relation of education to work, in response to the economic needs both of society and of the individual. This new emphasis included teaching specific job skills and industrial information, coordinating vocational and academic studies in school programs, and cooperating with industry through work-study programs. Alternatives to the basic choice between university preparation and a general terminal course appeared.
In response to the requirements of an expanded school population in the first half of the century and to the later demand for increased access—particularly for women, native peoples, immigrants, and low-income groups—changes to structure, curriculum, and methods occurred regularly from the 1960s. Many revisions originated with developments in the United States but took a particularly Canadian form. The first wave of reforms emphasized openness (open-area schools and classrooms, curriculum choice), comprehensiveness (composite high schools, consolidated rural schools, group work, and peer cooperation), and continuity up the school ladder (although with an abundance of alternatives). From the late 1970s, reforms shifted toward renewed emphasis on basic learning, selection of students, moral and social values, increased administrative control, and assessment procedures for school, system, and aggregate student performance.
The educational scene showed characteristics of both periods of reform. Some of the notable innovations included the provision of preschool classes in most elementary schools or systems; the use in early elementary grades of new educational methods developed at the preschool level; a concentrated attempt to decrease newly discovered functional illiteracy at all levels, including the adult level; the rapid introduction of electronic learning programs and instructional assistance; and direct concern with values instruction, usually secular and oriented to both personal and social issues. Both the attempt to reconcile individual educational requirements with the demands of mass systems and the emphasis on essential subject matter led to a search for new techniques of selecting and transmitting knowledge in schools.
The most demanding issues of the second half of the century reached beyond the traditional time and scope of public schooling: early-childhood education, adult education, private schooling, postsecondary education, and bilingual multicultural provisions. Whether as a reflection of concern over the direction of public schools, of an increasingly pluralistic society, or of affluence among parents, private school attendance rose steadily. It was still a small proportion of the school-age group in Canada, but the increase in interest as well as in attendance put pressure on provincial governments for funding. Most provinces now offered limited grants to authorized private schools, though at a level far below public school financing.
Consistent with Canada’s claim to multicultural social development and bolstered by the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms, multicultural and bilingual emphases made perhaps the strongest single impact on schooling. French-language instruction, both as a mother tongue and as a second language, expanded in traditionally English-speaking areas. Restrictions were placed on English-language schooling in Quebec as the French-language population struggled for cultural survival in North America. Court challenges against required Christian religious exercises and religious instruction in elementary schools were successful. Demands were made to give attention to other languages as languages of instruction and to revise the exclusively Western bias of curriculum content.
The administration of public education
A new dimension in higher education was added with the establishment of provincial universities in the west (1901–08). This completed a set of regional patterns for university development that was continued. Canadian universities, within these patterns, drew their criteria from French, British, or American models. From the 1950s a boom in Canadian higher education led to increasingly independent considerations on the role of universities in Canadian development. While the 1950s and ’60s saw a great expansion of universities, the 1970s and ’80s saw rapid growth in postsecondary, nonuniversity education in provincially funded colleges. These colleges all offered some range of vocational programs. Their relationships with universities varied: some offered university transfer programs (Alberta), some offered university prerequisites (Quebec), and some had no formal relationship (Ontario). With an increasing student population in a wider range of postsecondary alternatives, the rationalization, planning, and funding of this sector was a primary issue for provincial governments.
The administration of public education was the exclusive responsibility of the provinces, which had worked out schemes of local authority under provincial oversight. Although the specific structure of the departments of education varied among the provinces, they conformed to a basic structure. Each was headed by a politically appointed minister of education, who might be advised by a council. The main functions of educational supervision were usually carried out through specific directorates for such areas as curriculum, examinations, vocational education, teacher training and certification, and adult education. Three developments, however, strengthened local autonomy in educational administration. Throughout the second quarter of the 20th century, consolidation of rural schools and administrative units took place in the west, thus resulting in stronger educational units that were more competent to act independently. Moves toward regional decentralization, especially in Ontario, Quebec, and New Brunswick, produced rather independent subprovincial units. Finally, urban development led to relatively autonomous city school operations. Provincial authority was reemphasized, however, with the demands for better system articulation and for standardization of requirements, programs, and testing.
Canada’s federal government had no constitutional authority in education and therefore maintained no general office dealing directly with educational matters. Federal activities in education were nevertheless carried out under other areas of responsibility, and certain functions of an office of education were subsumed under the secretary of state. The Council of Ministers of Education, Canada, brought together the chief educational officers of the provinces and ensured national communication at the governmental level. Under its responsibility for native peoples and its jurisdiction over extra-provincial territories, the federal government—through the Department of Indian Affairs and Northern Development—financed and supervised the education of aboriginal Canadians. In the Yukon, schools were administered by the territorial government, though largely financed from Ottawa.
Through agricultural and technical assistance acts in 1913 and 1919, the federal government began to promote vocational education, and this principle was extended through emergency programs in the depression years of the 1930s and during World War II. Vocational programs of wide scope were later introduced on a principle of federal support and provincial operation. The Technical and Vocational Assistance Act of 1960 was followed by a great surge in vocational education, including the construction of new schools and school additions, special institutes, and the preparation of vocational teachers. Program definitions in this area later became ever broader.
The federal government maintained and supported the education of armed-forces personnel. Research and development in higher education were promoted directly through grants from national research councils for social sciences and humanities, for the natural sciences and engineering, for medicine, and for the arts. Statistics Canada disseminated organized statistical information on schools and on social factors affecting education. Perhaps less direct but of great importance were national agencies operating in the area of mass communications media, such as the National Film Board. Together, the activities of the federal government not only supported but also strongly influenced certain areas of education and completed a picture of local-provincial-federal involvement in Canadian education.
Australia and New Zealand
Australia
The 20th-century development of Australian education continued to be influenced by British models and to be characterized by the exercise of strong central authority in the states. Yet, because Australian national development began in that century, increasing attention was given to the role of education in nation building.
Educational systems were built through the establishment of primary schools by the end of the 19th century, the extension of these through continuation programs, and the development of state secondary schools in the early part of the 20th century. The independent secondary schools that offered the bulk of secondary education before 1900 continued to be influential, either as components of the separate Roman Catholic system or as “elite” private schools of denominational or nondenominational character, but the growth of state systems carried the state high schools into numerical prominence.
The early development of educational systems before and around the turn of the 20th century was a crude beginning, the minimal provisions being accentuated by poor teacher preparation, administrative thrift schemes, and excess in the exercise of administrative authority. Improvement of these conditions and systematic positive development can be dated from the Fink Report of 1898 in Victoria and similar reform appeals in other states between 1902 and 1909. The steady pace of progress from that time was broken by a surge of growth and innovation in Australian institutions after World War II.
Education in small, isolated communities throughout the vast Australian area required special attention. As a means of reaching isolated children and adults, correspondence education was begun in 1914 in Victoria, and other states followed after 1922. The procedures were gradually refined and the levels extended. More formal early efforts included the introduction of provisional schools, itinerant teachers, and central schools in the outback. The small one-teacher bush schools became typical after federation in 1901. Much attention was given to methods of teaching in the one-room school, earning Australia international recognition for expertise in this area. Progress toward rural school consolidation began in Tasmania in 1936. The Tasmanian model combined special features of school independence, pupil freedom, involvement in agricultural projects, and parental cooperation with the “area school” movement. There was later a rapid decline in one-teacher all-age schools in Australia in favour of consolidated schools in central locations.
Education was a state, rather than a federal, responsibility in Australia. Authority was concentrated in a state department of education. The political head was the minister of education, and the permanent official in charge was the director or director general of education. The main divisions of the department were those for primary, secondary, and technical education, each directed by a senior official. Additional divisions, such as for special education or in-service training, were particular to the states. Department policy was executed through a hierarchy of educational experts. In the 1980s, major changes in administrative organization took place in all state systems toward devolution of authority to local regions and schools. A corporate style of management became current, using criteria of rationalization, effectiveness, and economic efficiency to guide organizational decisions.
After World War II, with the financial assets of exclusive income-taxing power, the federal (Commonwealth of Australia) government played an increasing role in educational development, particularly at the tertiary level. Through the States Grants Act in 1951, the Murray Report in 1957, the Martin Report in 1964, the Karmel Report in 1973, and the 1988 Policy Statement on higher education, the federal government moved into the planning as well as the funding of postsecondary education concurrently with the states. After four decades of rapid expansion in higher education, the government set a course toward a unified national system at the tertiary level. The government negotiated directly with higher education institutions, without the traditional buffer of consultative councils, and moved directly to amalgamate institutions and otherwise to rationalize the system. The organizational rationale was based on the contribution of higher education to the national economic interest, and strategies linked higher education to the training needs of the economy. System integrity, efficiency and output measures, and indications of privatization (a private university, tertiary fees, sale of educational services) characterized the political thrust. The Commonwealth Office of Education was established in 1945 to advise on financial assistance to the states and on educational matters generally, to act as a liaison agent among the states and between Australia and other countries, and to provide educational information and statistics. Renamed several times in subsequent decades, it brought together education and training policy with employment strategy at the national level.
About three-quarters of Australian schools were public. The remainder were made up of Roman Catholic schools (which constituted about 80 percent of the nonpublic schools) and other private schools, many of which had considerable influence in the leadership of Australian society. The curriculum and syllabus for each program or course in the state schools was prescribed by the Department of Education, and nonpublic schools generally followed this standard. From 1965, significant government funding was provided to private schools. There was a resurgence of interest in and a consequent increase of influence from this sector again in later years.
Primary schools were normally of six years’ duration, to about age 12, though some schools retained the seventh year of the old pattern. Within primary schools, pupils were organized in grades and advanced by annual promotion. Secondary education was offered for five or six years, generally in comprehensive schools. The minimum school-leaving age was 15 (16 in Tasmania). From the 1950s to the mid-1970s, rapid growth occurred throughout the systems but especially at higher levels. The technical and further education (TAFE) sector had a singular influence, operating at upper secondary and tertiary levels and providing widespread nonformal activities. TAFE colleges enrolled about 700,000 students of school-leaving age annually and served the great majority of Australian tertiary students. Later moves improved cross-crediting between TAFE and other tertiary institutions.
From the 1970s, three educational goals emerged: the first emphasized equality, diversity, devolution, and participation; the second, national and social unity; the third, effective means of managing what had become, because of rapid growth, a huge and nearly ungovernable education sector. As a result, there were internal reforms in teaching practice, curriculum, school organization, teacher education, and methods of assessment.
The attempts to increase the number of students continuing education and to improve or expand programs to serve the whole population raised interest in system unification, including such issues as establishing common curricula and stronger Australian content, improving the transition from school to work, and providing equal opportunity for Aborigines, the disabled, and other groups designated as disadvantaged. The government later highlighted recognition of the contribution of Aboriginal cultures as well as of Australian studies.
New Zealand
The religious and regional issues that fettered educational development in other countries of the British Commonwealth were basically settled in New Zealand when the decisions were made in the last quarter of the 19th century to provide wholly secular primary schools and administrative centralization. The major issue in the 20th century was the achievement of equal educational opportunity. Although New Zealand accepted the responsibility to educate each child—without racial, social, or narrowly intellectual restriction—to the limits of the child’s ability, the unification of the total system to this end proved quite difficult.
The Education Act of 1914 consolidated the changes that had taken place since 1877. In subsequent reform periods during the 1930s and after World War II, barriers to pupil progress through the system were removed or modified. In 1934 the school-leaving certificate examination was established on a broader basis than the university entrance examination, and in 1936 the proficiency examination governing secondary entrance was abolished. In 1944–45 three additional changes were made: the school-leaving age was raised to 15; a common core of early secondary studies—including English, social studies, general science, mathematics, physical education, and a craft or fine-arts subject—was established; and universities agreed to accept accredited school courses without further examination for university entrance. These actions illustrated a gradual but steady facilitation of access through an increasingly coordinated system. The recommendations of the Currie Commission (1962) and the provisions of the Education Act of 1964 continued this direction.
Starting in 1877, education was supervised and funded by a central Department of Education, which was headed politically by a minister and permanently by a director general. Administrative duties were generally handled locally, however. Secondary schools were administered by their own boards of governors and primary schools by elected regional boards of education. Universities received grants negotiated by the University Grants Committee, and grants for other tertiary institutions were administered by the Department of Education. Three regional offices and teams of primary and secondary inspectors linked the central Department of Education and the network of local authorities. Education was free until the age of 19 for qualified pupils. University tuition was also paid for successful students.
New Zealand children generally started school at the age of five and spent eight years in primary school. The secondary system developed through the growth of three separate kinds of schools: the district high school, which represented more or less a secondary “top” on a primary school; the independent, academic, one-sex secondary school proper; and the technical school, which took shape between 1900 and 1908. The isolated position of the fee-charging secondary schools of the 19th century was compromised by free-place legislation in 1903, and by 1914 they were brought into the state system, though retaining a good deal of their independent status. The district high schools remained in the primary system, but their incorporation in the secondary inspection scheme and in secondary teacher classification placed them clearly within that sector of school operation. The technical high school evolved into a general high school with technical bias. Through common departmental inspection, curriculum, and examination standards, and through the effect of the movement for more general postprimary provisions after 1945, the secondary schools increasingly approximated a single pattern.
At the end of the 11th year of schooling, students took the School Certificate examination, a general test that partially determined admittance to the upper secondary level (12th and 13th years). Youths qualifying for university entrance found that admission to professional schools was limited. Although the technical institutes and community colleges were expanded after 1970, demand continued to increase for these programs. Enrollment in teachers’ colleges was limited because of a declining school population.
An extensive Roman Catholic private school system grew up after the secularization of state education. From 1970 these schools were subsidized, and after 1975 most became integrated into the state system and funded by the state.
Rural and native education was given increasing attention in New Zealand. Consolidated schools, served by an extensive transportation system, were a longtime feature of rural education. The expansion of community colleges and the establishment of rural education activity programs extended regional opportunities. Children and adults in isolated districts were served by several correspondence schools. Maori education became a responsibility of the Department of Education in 1879. Starting in 1962, the government attempted to balance the need for remediation of deficiencies in general schooling with Maori cultural rights. As in other countries, equity and the relationship between school and work were the two main issues facing the New Zealand school system. Together they represented growing social and economic demands that were potentially incompatible with the traditional order of schooling.
Robert Frederic Lawson