The purpose of the First Letter of Peter is exhortation directed to “the exiles of the Dispersion” in Asia Minor in order that they “stand fast” in God’s grace in the face of persecution. On the one hand, such persecution is viewed as part of the trials of the end-time that the community must undergo before the coming of the new age. On the other, persecution is viewed as a simple fact of Christian community life in the world. In imitation of Christ, tribulations and testing can be a basis for joy.

In the address, the author calls himself “Peter, an apostle of Jesus Christ,” and in chapter 5, verse 1, a “fellow-elder and witness of the suffering of Christ.” Any Christian, not just a fellow eyewitness, however, might be such a witness and hope to partake in the future “glory that is to be revealed.” The writer or the redactor of I Peter used Pauline and gospel theology and terminology both in quotations and in allusions and, if literary dependency cannot always be demonstrated, there is dependence on the catechetical traditions known in the post-apostolic church.

The milieu of the letter seems to reflect the time and temper of the correspondence of the emperor Trajan with Pliny the Younger, governor of Bithynia (c. 117). Pliny requested clarification as to the punishment of Christians “for the name itself” or for crimes supposedly associated with being a Christian. I Peter, chapter 4, verse 15, appears to reflect this situation: that a Christian be blameless of all crime and, if punished, be persecuted only “as a Christian.” Pliny continued that denounced Christians are executed if they persevere in their belief but that whatever their creed “contumacy and inflexible obstinacy deserved punishment”; Trajan’s response was that those denounced as Christians be punished. The warning in I Peter, chapter 3, on a Christian’s manner of defense and submissiveness to authorities points to a date in the first quarter of the 2nd century. Such a date does not preclude reflection on earlier persecutions, such as those under Domitian.

The Greek style is hardly in keeping with a Galilean Peter—described as illiterate or uneducated in Acts, chapter 4, verse 13. The Greek is fluid, and the Old Testament citations are from the Septuagint. The addressees appear to be Gentile Christians portrayed as the new Israel dispersed among the (heathen) Gentiles, based on the analogy of the old Israel, a diaspora among the nations.

The work is thus pseudonymous, attributed to Peter through Silvanus, whose name constitutes a part of the pseudepigraphic device that strengthens the authority of the epistle. I Peter is an excellent example of the testament form modelled on the traditions of an Apostle and the message of his martyrdom. Peter, whose death and traditions concerning him were known to the readers of the time of I Peter, gives weight and authority to the letter that is formed in many ways as a farewell and admonition to those who follow, in order that they may stand firm.

Warnings are given from the Apostle’s own example along with counter-virtues for vices. Such testament forms have a mixture of wisdom material, advice, exhortation, hymns for ethical admonition, and apocalyptic elements with accounts of trials to come. This mixture is found in strange arrangements, but is perhaps solved if read as a testament form. Peter had denied that Christ must suffer and in I Peter suffering is the way of discipleship and even of joy. In Luke, chapter 22, Peter’s denial was prophesied, and Jesus interceded for him in order that he might repent and strengthen his brethren (cf. I Peter, chapter 5, verses 10 and 12). In Mark and Matthew the defection of the Apostles was foretold in terms of the scattering of the sheep when the shepherd was stricken, and Peter does deny his Lord. In John, chapter 21, the risen Lord paralleled Peter’s threefold denial with a threefold question as to Peter’s love. At each affirmation the Lord responds with the forgiving command to feed the sheep—to care for the community. This is a central motif in I Peter. Immediately following the charge to Peter in John is the prediction of his own martyr death, and in I Peter the church is urgently admonished to accept trials as nothing strange, because they are a sharing in the sufferings of Christ. In the Garden of Gethsemane, Peter in particular was rebuked because he did not watch, and in I Peter the church is admonished to watch and be vigilant against the Devil. Prayer against temptation is also stressed.

In the Matthean account, Peter is delegated to build the church, and in I Peter it is the chief Apostle (Peter) who points to Christ as Shepherd and Bishop, who through his suffering collected the wandering sheep to himself. In like manner—on the model of Christ or perhaps Peter—the elders are exhorted to feed their flocks humbly and faithfully. Thus, there is a typical testament form: Peter has failed and repented; and the church is warned, admonished, and strengthened as by the Apostle, who, on the analogy of Jesus’ Passion and death in innocence, exhorts the church to share in the vocation of innocent suffering and to do good in innocence. Finally, I Peter, viewed as a “testament,” is in itself an apocalyptic “witness,” and with its admixture of advice, example, and general address to the faithful living in the Diaspora as sojourners, with the authority of its martyred “author,” it constitutes authority and strength for the church that faces the persecution of the world. References in chapter 5 to Rome (called Babylon) and to Mark are then also part of the pseudepigraphic testament form, as they presuppose the common tradition of Peter’s martyrdom in Rome and his connection with Mark.

There are three Christological hymnic fragments in I Peter: 1:18–21, ransom by Christ; 2:21–25, with reference to the Book of Isaiah, chapter 53, used as ethical admonition; and 3:18–20, Christ’s descent into hell. The last is in the context of Christ’s going and preaching to the spirits in prison (a reference to the apocryphal First Book of Enoch with Satan chained under the earth but his descendants at work in the world until the end-time) in order to show that Christ, through his descent, has overcome the powers that underlie and engender persecution of the Christians. This is reaffirmed in chapter 5 by encouraging Christians in their fight against the Devil, for, though suffering will be a part of this resistance, there will be victory at the end. Imitation of Christ is a basis for joy even in suffering. The end is viewed as near, and final salvation can thus be anticipated.

The Johannine Letters: I, II, and III John

The three epistles gathered under the name of John were written to guide and strengthen the post-apostolic church as it faced both attacks from heresies and an ever increasing need for community solidarity—along with the concomitant love and ethics necessary to such unity.

I John, though lacking any formal epistolary salutation or ending, directs itself to a circle of readers with whom the writer is acquainted. Taking the form of an anonymous “homily” for admonition against heresy and instruction in faith and love, it was directed to a wide audience or was to be circulated beyond a particular congregation. II and III John are brief letters from an author described only as “the elder,” implying a position of some authority. II John, chapter 1, is addressed to an “elect lady and her children,” probably a designation of a church with difficulties similar to those found in I John. III John is the most personal, being addressed by the elder “to the beloved Gaius,” who has been praised particularly for his hospitality (probably to missionaries) and his brotherly love. The presbyter (elder), probably the author of II and III John, apparently was a man who was authoritative enough to influence and direct mission activities. All three letters, despite their differences of address, appear to have been accepted among the Catholic Letters as having been circulated for the church at large.

I, II, and III John share much common terminology, style, and general situation. They are all called Johannine because they are loosely related to the Gospel According to John in style and terminology and could be the outcome of its theology.

The early church attributed I, II, and III John to John, the Apostle, the son of Zebedee. Although II and III John may possibly have been written by the same presbyter, this “elder” is not necessarily the author of I John, although it is commonly accepted that the three Johannine letters came from a “Johannine” inner circle. The earliest reference to the Johannine letters is in the Letter to the Philippians by Polycarp of Smyrna (7:1). Papias, who was a 2nd-century bishop of Hierapolis, mentions I John and quotes it several times, but he distinguishes between John, the Apostle, and John, the presbyter. Polycarp, Papias, and internal evidence point to the region of Asia Minor as the probable sources of the Johannine literature. These references and the organization of the churches indicated in the letters, as well as the lack of signs of persecution, suggest a date for the letters at around the beginning of the 2nd century.